Beyond the official schedule, Jacques LaGrange and Nadene Marx of New Romantics Couture took homegrown craftsmanship to independent showcases Fame Week Africa and Noir Fashion Week, respectively.

At the South African ambassador’s residence on Monday, Ngxokolo presented 54 looks, expanding MaXhosa’s signature knitwear vocabulary with silk, chiffon, organza, organdy and cotton, alongside the label’s first footwear showcase.

South African musician Sjava performed live, while upcycled eyewear and accessories by Kenyan artist Cyrus Kabiru extended the collection’s conversation across the continent.

For Ngxokolo, ambition includes demonstrating Africa’s manufacturing capabilities. He said 90% of the brand’s products were produced in-house.

“It is a Xhosa philosophy that we constantly showcase as a brand. We hire multiple Africans within our organisation as a business, and there’s a lot of innovation,” the Gqeberha-born designer said at the show’s press conference.

“Ninety percent of our products are produced in-house, and we wanted to showcase that it is possible to make excellent quality products from Africa.

“Any designer that is operating and running a business from Africa that is able to do what we did today deserves praise because we operate from very difficult circumstances, whether it be energy, water supply, labour — especially in South Africa, which is known to have some of the hardest labour laws in the world.”

Africa in Paris was inspired by the diversity of our country — our cultures, landscapes, colours and most importantly our people. We have worked with traditional Shweshwe fabrics and Ndebele-inspired woven elements, combining them with luxurious materials such as suede, faux leather, velvet, satin, chantilly lace, sequins and feathers

Nadene Marx, New Romantics Couture

Henry’s arrival at Courrèges placed another South African talent at the centre of the Paris conversation. Born in Witbank (now eMalahleni) and trained at Lisof in Johannesburg before studying at Central Saint Martins, he previously worked at Céline, JW Anderson, Phoebe Philo and Burberry.

His debut on Wednesday at Palais de Tokyo explored the French house’s colourful heritage and early 1960s archive, with neon yellow, acid green and tangerine among the shades. It was a breakaway collection from the aesthetic of Nicolas di Felice, who had served as creative director of the French label for five years until March 2026.

For Paarl couturier LaGrange, Paris is a return to a city where he once lived. His collection was presented as part of the Fashion Synergy Events PFW showcase at Le Salon des Miroirs on Saturday, with footwear from South African brand Coast & Koi.

LaGrange, who is the official designer of Fame Week Africa 2026, described the collection as having elegant silhouettes, luxurious fabrics and embellished bomber jackets, bringing together local embroidery, beading, ostrich feathers and layered textures with exquisite handmade detail.

“Eighty percent of my clients are in Europe, as well as Dubai and America. I’m very lucky to have worldwide clients, and that’s why my standards are always so high,” he told the Sunday Times.

Marx’s New Romantics Couture presented “Africa In Paris” at Noir Fashion Week on Saturday, after winning the 2025 Africa Fashion Week emerging designer competition in Johannesburg.

The collection combines shweshwe fabrics and Ndebele-inspired woven elements with velvet, satin, Chantilly lace, feathers and hand beading across sculptural silhouettes, corsets and statement outerwear.

African Fashion Week founder and CEO Mpho Mogotsi modelled alongside brand ambassador Zaza Letsholo. The showcase forms part of a collaboration between Africa Fashion Week and Noir Fashion Week.

“Africa in Paris was inspired by the diversity of our country — our cultures, landscapes, colours and most importantly our people,” Marx told the Sunday Times. “We have worked with traditional Shweshwe fabrics and Ndebele-inspired woven elements, combining them with luxurious materials such as suede, faux leather, velvet, satin, chantilly lace, sequins and feathers.”

Off the field, the Temba Bavuma Foundation continues to uplift children and communities in need.

Bavuma has spoken powerfully about the violence women live with in South Africa and demanded men reflect on the responsibility they have, their role in society and for the government to lead.

As a father whose firstborn celebrated his third birthday last Tuesday with a brightly coloured cake topped with Power Rangers figures, Bavuma understands the profound example he sets.

It’s a load to bear, and that’s before he begins the most important season of his career, on Friday. “It’s scary,” he said about the daily horror South African women face.

Bavuma has highlighted how his wife, Phila, purchased a taser for herself. “And that’s when it’s real… it’s here at home, and you can see the fear and panic that our females have. As men we are seen as providers; that’s the traditional role… whichever way you want to look at it. I think we are failing there.”

Whatever criticism Bavuma is almost certain to face for what happens on the field this summer will be insignificant when seen through that social prism.

One of most respected

Starting his 12th season as an international and his fourth as Test captain, the 36-year-old is firmly established as one of the most respected leaders in the game. In that same period he has elevated his game, averaging over 50 across 13 Tests to become his side’s best batter.

Australia provides a momentous challenge at the start of a consequential 13 months for Bavuma. “I don’t know if I will have the opportunity to play against Australia again in a Test series. Every game that I play from now on, there’ll be a lot of embracing and wanting to feel every moment and every experience that comes before me,” he said.

We are on this hunt for trophies. We have two opportunities for silverware next year. Personally, I want to be the guy at the front leading the team to that

Temba Bavuma, Proteas captain

Bavuma has twice been part of series wins against Australia. On a tour where he gained global acclaim for running out David Warner in Perth, his two half-centuries in 2016 were even more crucial to South Africa’s third consecutive series win Down Under.

Yet despite those successes, profound lessons would still be learned from the Australians in a chastening series loss in 2022/23. “I had a decent tour. But I got a proper sense of what I needed to do to compete with the best in the world.

“From there things have improved quite a lot in my game, more mentally, finding ways to get into the game, to be competitive and look for ways to make a play for the team. I regard that tour as one of the important ones in my career.”

How he leads

Those lessons have been applied to how he leads the current side. “I’m very fortunate in the confidants that I have around me, who help me drive the team in a certain direction and speak and act in a way that I like and allow us to achieve what we want to achieve.

“It’s also been nice for us to embrace each other and not force guys to act a certain way. When I think about my early days with the Proteas, you always felt you had to be a certain way. You looked at the seniors, and they acted a certain way, and you would feel, naively, that you had to be like AB [de Villiers] or like an [Hashim] Amla for you to be successful.

“It’s only later on in my career that I understood, by just embracing yourself and whatever your strengths and weaknesses are, whatever makes you odd, that allow, when you put all of that in a pot as a team, to have this certain culture and outlook.”

Having won the World Test Championship last year, Bavuma is acutely aware that there is a target on the Proteas.

“Our biggest thing as a team, which I didn’t think was there, was to get over that insecurity or imposter syndrome. How do we carry this mantle of being world champions? People will speak, but it is not for us to make it a part of our thing.”

Hunt for trophies

Proof that they were comfortable with the crown was immediate; a drawn series after being 0-1 down in Pakistan was followed by a first Test series win for the Proteas in India in 25 years.

Motivation is easy to summon, but it is about controlling and directing the energy the players draw from it in the right way.

“Personally, I want to be the guy at the front leading the team to that. Whether that defines who I am, we will only know come November next year.”

An era in which legacy is on the line starts at Kingsmead, against an opponent to which South Africa no longer plays second fiddle.

“We look at this series as a hurdle to overcome, and to get to where we want to be, we have to overcome the Australians. We have the advantage that it is at home. We know the bigger picture — the goal is to find ourselves in the WTC [World Test Championship] final,” Bavuma said.

“That is at the back of our minds, but in front of us now is how to put our best foot forward to be successful on that first day in Durban.”

Simple planning to face a clutch of fast bowlers, as on previous tours, has given way to a range of different thoughts for the visitors who may encounter three quicks and two spinners at Kingsmead.

“I think the wicket will certainly, across the course of the Test match, provide some reasonable turn. I wouldn’t pre-empt what they’re going to do, but their spinners obviously had some success against us through that white-ball series,” Australia’s chief selector George Bailey told cricket.com.au.

The Australians, who lost 12 wickets to spin bowling in the One-Day series, started a two-day practice match against a CSA Invitational XI in Potchefstroom yesterday, with their bowlers getting a tough workout on a typically flat pitch at the University Oval.

Interestingly, their left-arm spinner Matt Kuhnemann bowled the second-highest number of overs after frontline spinner Nathan Lyon, a further indication of their thinking.

Threat of spin

Some of Australia’s thinking about what they’re expecting was also revealed by the call-up of Nic Maddinson to their squad on Friday. Australia wants a batter in their line-up capable of dealing with the threat of spin.

The tourists have faced a growing injury list since arriving in South Africa, with Josh Inglis suffering a fractured finger, which will force him to miss the first Test, and Cameron Green battling an abdominal injury picked up in the last ODI.

Maddinson missed all of the last Australian domestic season while undergoing successful treatment for testicular cancer. The 34-year-old played the last of his three Tests in 2016, and his selection was met with some criticism in Australia, with his lack of recent first-class game time cited as a concern.

However, Bailey said the left-hander’s experience was important. “Not to dismiss his work against quick bowling, but I think [Maddinson’s] a very strong player of spin. And probably from that One-Day [International] wicket and looking at [South Africa’s] squad a little bit, I think it’s half an expectation that’s probably what we’re going to get hit with in Durban,” he said.

Sam Harper has also been called up to their Test squad as cover for Inglis, who was the back-up wicketkeeper.

Rabada’s return

The Proteas will start a two-day intra-squad match in Durban this morning.

Crucially, Kagiso Rabada got through two training sessions on Friday and yesterday. The big decision on his readiness for Friday’s start will be how he recovers after the practice match following a lengthy period out with a hamstring injury.

A fit Rabada would allow the Proteas to play three quicks and possibly both of their frontline spinners, Keshav Maharaj, who took six wickets in the one-dayers, and Simon Harmer

Already buoyed by Rabada’s rapid return to fitness, there was further good news for the home team yesterday, with Lungi Ngidi joining for the remainder of the week as he continues his rehab from his hamstring ailment with an eye on selection for the second Test.

A fit Rabada would allow the Proteas to play three quicks and possibly both of their frontline spinners, Keshav Maharaj, who took six wickets in the One-Dayers, and Simon Harmer.

The Proteas management confirmed that Tony de Zorzi was ruled out of the Durban Test with a “mild left hamstring injury”. The fact that no replacement has been called up reflects the batting depth available in the group.

De Zorzi was one of several options for the top order, but Shukri Conrad mentioned that he’s comfortable that David Bedingham, who’s been in excellent form all year, Tristan Stubbs and Wiaan Mulder provide sufficient cover for the No 3 spot.

This comes after an internal investigation uncovered hundreds of suspicious transactions allegedly linked to the club’s former finance manager, Darryl Joselowsky.

The club wants four bank accounts linked to Joselowsky frozen, with a combined balance of R20.2m, while it seeks further information from Standard Bank about where the money went and who benefited from the transactions.

The application was brought by Orlando Pirates Football Club, Orlando Pirates Retailing and Orlando Pirates Properties against Joselowsky and Standard Bank.

The papers were filed at the Johannesburg high court on September 22 without notice to Joselowsky, with the club arguing that giving him advance warning could create an opportunity for the alleged proceeds to be dissipated.

Pirates’ commercial manager, Mpumelelo Khoza, said in an affidavit that Joselowsky had been employed by the club for more than 30 years. Khoza said his job placed him in a position of “extreme personal and fiduciary trust”.

“As finance manager, [Joselowsky] had complete responsibility for managing the bank accounts, payroll, supplier disbursements and financial ledgers.”

The affidavit says Joselowsky had the authority to capture, verify and release payment batches independently. This effectively allowed him to load beneficiary banking details, alter payment descriptions and execute electronic transfers without secondary authorisation.

The alleged irregularities came to light in July when the club was reviewing its management accounts and noticed that cash proceeds did not correspond with expected sales volumes.

Khoza said an internal accountant was instructed to review the financial statements, leading to what the club describes as an initial anomaly involving an inter-company payment.

“Payment references on bank statements reflected descriptions corresponding to legitimate supplier/rental expenses, but associated monetary figures did not tally with actual or expected supplier payments.”

The club subsequently approached Standard Bank about the flagged transactions.

In correspondence attached to the application, the bank warned Pirates that its monitoring systems had identified payments as potentially fraudulent, highlighting the use of Joselowsky’s operator code and discrepancies between beneficiary names and verified account holders.

Standard Bank requested confirmation from the club on whether the transactions had been authorised and whether the intended beneficiaries had received the money.

Three accounts were initially identified for verification: one registered to Nursarela Investments CC and two registered to Joselowsky. Pirates later identified a fourth account, also allegedly linked to Joselowsky.

The club says the bank’s investigation was significant because the transactions appeared to have been processed through a system that allowed a single operator to control several stages of the payment process.

The affidavit says meetings were subsequently held between the club’s executive team and representatives of Standard Bank’s forensic investigation team.

Standard Bank provided raw electronic data covering the Pirates Group bank accounts from 2016 to 2026. The club then instructed forensic accountant Alida Louise Jordaan to analyse the transactions.

According to Khoza, the analysis identified R20.2m in payments that Pirates alleges were unauthorised and fraudulent diversions into accounts controlled by Joselowsky.

Independent analysis conducted by Jordaan indicated that R20.2m was paid in direct, unauthorised and fraudulent diversions to accounts controlled by [Joselowsky]

Pirates’ commercial manager Mpumelelo Khoza in affidavit

The affidavit says the broader transaction logs showed R43m moving from the club’s accounts into the four flagged Standard Bank accounts between September 29 2016 and August 25 2026.

“Independent analysis conducted by Jordaan indicated that R20.2m was paid in direct, unauthorised and fraudulent diversions to accounts controlled by [Joselowsky].”

The affidavit says payments were disguised through descriptions which appeared to relate to legitimate business expenses.

Khoza gives an example involving senior manager Nkosana Khoza, who had allegedly purchased a laptop for an employee and requested reimbursement. Pirates alleges Joselowsky paid the amount from petty cash but later processed an electronic transfer referencing Nkosana Khoza into his own personal account.

“The fraudulent mechanism was operated through systematic deception, including the use of fictitious supplier descriptions and redirection of reimbursements.”

The club’s forensic analysis also allegedly uncovered hundreds of smaller payments. A schedule prepared by Jordaan identified 742 separate payments totalling R8.5m where the payment descriptions allegedly falsely named beneficiaries.

“These payments were made by way of 742 separate payments of sufficiently small amounts that they would not attract the attention of the auditors.”

The affidavit alleges the investigation uncovered further instances of prima facie fraud involving payments to a previously dismissed employee. However, Khoza says the club had not yet been able to fully investigate those transactions.

Khoza points to what he describes as Joselowsky’s acquisition of foreign citizenship and an Austrian passport, as well as frequent overseas travel during the past year.

“I have reason to believe that [Joselowsky] recently acquired foreign citizenship of Austria and holds an Austrian passport.”

The club is seeking an order preventing Standard Bank from permitting withdrawals from the four accounts unless a combined balance of at least R20.2m remains available.

It also wants the bank to provide full electronic and physical statements, including contra-account numbers, branch codes and beneficiary identities for outward transfers.

The club intends instituting proceedings for payment of the R20.2m, interest and costs. It also indicated that criminal proceedings were being pursued.

“If an interim freezing order is refused, [Joselowsky] will dissipate the stolen proceeds across multiple local and offshore banking accounts. Once dissipated, recovery will be impossible, causally remote and an irreparable monetary loss to the [club].”

The Sunday Times tried for several weeks to pin down Joselowsky. He did not respond to multiple calls and messages to his registered phone numbers. The Sunday Times visited an estate in Glenhazel listed as his residence in an attempt to allow him to comment. But security personnel said they did not know anyone by that name.

Pirates did not respond to questions, including whether the club had opened a criminal case.

The Sunday Times can exclusively reveal that forensic investigators examined the bank records of Matlala’s companies, uncovering a “specific pattern” of large cash withdrawals from the accounts of Medicare24 Tshwane District and his security firm, CAT Protection and Security (Pty) Ltd, occurring within days of Matlala’s meetings with Cele.

Medicare24 won a three-year, R360m contract to provide health-risk management services to the South African Police Service (SAPS) in June 2024, the same month Cele’s term as police minister ended.

While the alleged gifts came afterwards — between January and March 2025 — Matlala says he had cultivated a friendship with Cele because he was seeking a political strategy to thwart police efforts to cancel his contract and believed Cele might be able to assist him. The contract was ultimately cancelled in May last year.

The joint forensic investigation — conducted by SAPS internal audit and its risk and integrity management division — said Cele received “gratification” and “private benefits” from Matlala, the sole director of Medicare24 Tshwane District.

But Cele told the Sunday Times this week that he never received any money from Matlala and had no political influence over the cancellation of his contract.

The explosive 370-page report, concluded in April, details systemic corruption, fronting and bribery surrounding the SAPS contract

“If they say I got money, they must show me bank receipts which show that I received the money. Also, when has it been a crime to sleep there [in Matlala’s penthouse]? What kind of political influence did I have over the police when I had already left in June?”

The explosive 370-page report, concluded in April, details systemic corruption, fronting and bribery surrounding the SAPS contract.

The report also exposes a luxury accommodation arrangement. Matlala leased a penthouse at The Capital Menlyn Maine in Pretoria. The hotel — located in the heart of a luxury shopping and dining precinct and next to the SunBet Arena — boasts a spa, exotic cocktails and boardrooms.

On January 27 last year, Matlala sent a WhatsApp message to Trucelle Snyman, the hotel’s sales manager, instructing management to grant Cele access to the penthouse whenever he was in Pretoria. Keycard logs obtained by investigators confirmed that the apartment was occupied during this period.

“Good day Trucelle, can you kindly do me a favour, there is a friend of mine who’s also a business partner. He is a former minister of police, Mr Bheki Cele. When he is in Pretoria can you please ask management to inform staff at the front desk to grant him access to the penthouse,” Matlala said in the message to Snyman.

Investigators concluded that Cele failed to disclose his relationship with Matlala, resulting in a severe conflict of interest and a direct violation of national instruction 18 of 2019, which governs private benefits and sponsorships for police officials.

Medicare24 Holdings CEO Michael van Wyk revealed in a sworn statement that Matlala frequently travelled to KwaZulu-Natal to meet Cele to secure political support against the cancellation of the contract. Van Wyk stated that Matlala admitted to carrying cash sums ranging between R200,000 and R400,000 to hand over to Cele.

During his testimony before the parliamentary ad hoc committee investigating police corruption, Matlala explained that he had sought a political strategy to thwart police efforts to cancel his contract. This led to meetings with Cele for discussions and cash exchanges, including an encounter at Cele’s Pretoria residence in January last year and a subsequent meeting at a hotel in March.

Matlala claimed to have given Cele money twice: “He actually wanted R1m. I gave him R300,000, and then I gave him R200,000. And the day I decided to stop, I was supposed to give him R300,000 again, but that never happened. It’s when I decided to stop taking his calls.”

Testifying before the ad hoc committee, Cele disputed claims of a close relationship with Matlala, stating, ‘I do not have a friend called Cat’

Matlala also told the Madlanga commission that Cele had arranged a meeting for him and KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. He testified that the meeting took place in Umhlanga and focused on issues relating to purchase orders.

He also testified that he sought assistance from Lt-Gen Lineo Nkhuoa, who signed off on the service-level agreement for the Medicare24 tender.

Testifying before the ad hoc committee, Cele disputed claims of a close relationship with Matlala, stating, “I do not have a friend called Cat.”

Cele told the committee that while he initially viewed Matlala as a “cool guy”, his perspective shifted after learning about Matlala’s alleged illicit activities, raising concerns over how Matlala had “managed to remain under the radar”.

Regarding their initial encounter, the committee learnt that Cele was introduced to Matlala in December 2024 at Durban’s Beverly Hills Hotel via Bongani “Mabonga” Mpungose, whose father is prominent in the taxi industry.

Cele testified that during this meeting, Matlala asserted that the deputy national commissioner of crime detection, Lt-Gen Shadrack Sibiya, who is now suspended, had requested an affidavit targeting crime intelligence head Lt-Gen Dumisani Khumalo. Cele said he pursued further dialogue with Matlala solely to gather intelligence to safeguard Khumalo, whom he described as “a good cop”.

Addressing his stay at Matlala’s high-end penthouse, Cele acknowledged staying there “for free”, arguing that, as a retired citizen, he was under no duty to declare it.

The report recommending that Cele be prosecuted was included in a September 30 Pretoria high court application lodged by Fadiel Adams, leader of the National Coloured Congress.

Adams is petitioning for a judicial review to overturn national director of public prosecutions Andy Mothibi’s decision to clear suspended national police commissioner Gen Fannie Masemola of criminal charges.

Adams contends that Masemola neglected to probe or suspend the Medicare24 tender, despite prior notifications concerning corrupt practices and links to an alleged criminal. He further challenges Mothibi’s decision to drop the charges, branding it irrational in light of documented irregular spending.

He claims that based on the forensic report, corrective, remedial and criminal actions must be instituted against Masemola for failure to:

• Investigate allegations of supply chain management abuse;
• Reject the bid proposal;
• Prevent irregular expenditure; and
• Invoke a Treasury regulation to reject the proposal or cancel the contract at the time he received the allegations of supply chain management system abuse by Medicare24.

It has emerged that a senior investigator in the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption (Idac) met Maj-Gen Fred Kekana in April 2024 to inform him about allegations of corruption, fraud and manipulation of the Medicare24 Tshwane tender by Matlala. Kekana then informed Masemola months before the tender was awarded.

Capt Brian Cartwright, a facilitator on the bid evaluation committee, allegedly colluded with Matlala by leaking confidential police documents

“Maj-Gen Kekana confirms that he received a message from Gen Masemola on or about May 21 2024 ... and requested a proper investigation into the matter,” said Adams in his application.

The contract was awarded to Medicare24 despite Matlala being an alleged central figure in a multipronged fraud probe at Tembisa Hospital, which was initiated following the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran.

The forensic audit reveals that the procurement process was heavily manipulated. Capt Brian Cartwright, a facilitator on the bid evaluation committee, allegedly colluded with Matlala by leaking confidential police documents.

Cartwright reportedly sent Matlala screenshots of the exact due diligence questions the tender committee would ask, allowing Matlala to prepare a misleading presentation. Cartwright also allegedly leaked police financial management system (Polfin) reports containing the pricing schedules of competitor Metropolitan Health Corp.

Medicare24 also submitted fraudulent lease agreements and false business addresses across multiple provinces to falsely claim a national footprint. Physical due diligence was never conducted at the bidder’s premises but rather at the franchisor’s offices.

Once awarded, the contract suffered from catastrophic nonperformance, with the company failing across all major workstreams.

Crucially, the enlisting of 5,500 entry-level police trainees under Project 5500 was severely delayed because the provider failed to deliver 2,384 outstanding certificates of fitness (COF).

A subsequent audit revealed that signatures on numerous COFs were forged.

Between August 2024 and April last year, the SAPS paid Medicare24 R50m.

The report also recommends the criminal prosecution of Matlala, Cartwright, Brig Petunia Lenono (a bid committee member who was illegally employed by Medicare24 during the contract’s execution) and Lt-Gen Molefe Fani. All except Fani have already been criminally charged.

It was a means of simplifying the strategy for Clinton and how he could appeal to American voters.

The majority of presidents of Cricket South Africa’s (CSA) provincial unions would do well to reflect on that catchphrase.

Last week’s financial report tabled at the organisation’s AGM paints a grim picture. A loss of R440m in the last financial year grabbed the headlines, but there was further bad news contained in CFO Tjaart van der Walt’s accompanying review.

Next year, CSA will likely make a loss again. That’s despite South Africa hosting three tours this summer, two by historic rivals, Australia and England.

The broadcast landscape for cricket has changed so drastically that what were once lucrative tours by those two nations are now loss-makers.

We are further embarking on a revised financial sustainability project, looking at the total cricket ecosystem to align CSA’s increasing cost base to the realities of the current and expected future revenues

Tjaart van der Walt, Cricket SA’s CFO

CSA did sign a deal with Sky in the UK to show England’s tour here, but the numbers are believed to be lower than for previous tours. All of which impacts CSA’s income and its ability to run the sport locally.

This season there is an expanded domestic first-class competition and a restructured and bigger provincial T20 tournament that includes the division 2 teams facing the top eight provinces.

There are also two domestic women’s tournaments that must be run. All those cost money.

Financial statements

CSA’s financial statements show that last season’s costs for running the local game stood at R536m — that figure will be bigger next year.

It simply can’t continue.

“We are further embarking on a revised financial sustainability project, looking at the total cricket ecosystem to align CSA’s increasing cost base to the realities of the current and expected future revenues,” Van der Walt wrote in his review.

The trouble is that CSA already tried something similar last year. A wide range of voices were heard from, including provincial CEOs, the players’ union and coaches but, despite their recommendations, CSA failed to get near the target of R200m in savings.

Broadcast deals are plummeting, and CSA, like other national affiliates of the International Cricket Council, has been informed by the global governing body that its financial distribution will be lower when the next rights deal is signed in 2027.

Costs will have to be reduced, but following the last sustainability review, the most notable cut made by CSA was to the number of professional player contracts at the provincial level.

Far more drastic action is needed. Frankly, the number of provinces needs to be reduced because the figure of 15 is unsustainable.

Provincial administrators seem blind to that, however.

Under administration

Witness last week’s AGM, where four unions were not allowed to vote for new directors on CSA’s board.

Border and Northern Cape remain under administration, but despite knowing that, the unions of North West and Boland — two first division organisations, one of whom is a host of an SA20 franchise — failed to meet CSA’s requirements as “members in good standing.”

They didn’t host their own AGMs in time and didn’t submit financial records.

Failing to adhere to those basic standards does not reflect a serious organisation with administrators who understand the precipice on which South African cricket is teetering.

It is thus alarming that there is believed to be an increasing group of provincial presidents who feel the number of independent directors on the board should be reduced and non-independents should be in the majority again.

It was less than 10 years ago that just such a structure, led by provincial union presidents, nearly destroyed CSA.

There are serious decisions that have to be taken by CSA’s leadership in the next 24 months. The petty politicking that has continued in cricket boardrooms at the provincial level must end.

Eventually, it will come down to dollars and cents, and then whether you’re the president of Boland, Mpumalanga, Eastern Province, Limpopo or North West, you will be confronted with an ugly reality.

“It’s the economy, stupid.”

Story audio is generated using AI

South African business is entering a more ambitious phase of engagement with Brics, one defined by deal-making, trade facilitation, investment mobilisation and measurable commercial outcomes. More than a decade after establishing the Brics Business Council, the years of building relationships between South African business and some of the world’s largest and fastest-growing economies are beginning to bear fruit.

South Africa’s participation in Brics has created important relationships that should form part of a broader strategy to diversify our economic partnerships. We should not have to choose between markets or regions. We should ask how major economies can expand the range of opportunities available to South African businesses and strengthen our position within global value chains.

The opportunity becomes clearer when we consider the composition of our trade. Our mineral and agricultural resources remain important assets. The opportunity is to use those strengths as a foundation for greater beneficiation, manufacturing, advanced services, innovation and technology-intensive production.

South Africa already has capabilities across automotive manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, agriculture and agro-processing, machinery, financial services, renewable energy, digital services and critical minerals. The task is to connect these capabilities to international markets and investment partnerships while creating the conditions for South African companies to participate further up global value chains.

Our Brics engagement can create opportunities to move beyond traditional buyer-seller arrangements to co-investment, joint ventures, technology partnerships, manufacturing, research and greater integration into value chains.

Attracting investment and identifying export opportunities is only part of the equation. We also need an enabling environment so that South African companies, particularly small and medium enterprises (SMEs), can participate in these markets.

For an SME, the difference between a market that exists in principle and one that can be accessed commercially can come down to certification requirements, sanitary and phytosanitary standards, customs processes, regulatory uncertainty, access to trade finance, procurement opportunities and the ability to make and receive cross-border payments. These are not peripheral issues. They can determine whether a business enters a market, integrates into a supply chain, or competes for a commercial opportunity.

We should position South Africa not only as a destination for Brics investment but as a platform from which international companies can build partnerships, establish production and access opportunities across Africa

This is where business matchmaking, procurement linkages, supply chain integration and trade finance become important. For Brics engagement to have a wider economic impact, we need practical pathways that enable smaller South African companies to find partners, secure contracts, enter supply chains and expand into other member markets.

The same applies to technology and innovation. Brics co-operation can support partnerships in areas such as AI, digital services, fintech, green hydrogen, pharmaceuticals and critical minerals. The opportunity is not simply to increase trade in these sectors but to develop partnerships that strengthen research, technology transfer, joint manufacturing and advanced capabilities in South Africa.

The Brics Business Council’s evolution to deal-making and trade facilitation is therefore significant. Its objective should be to connect the institutional relationships and policy dialogue built over more than a decade to specific commercial outcomes, whether through investment partnerships, new export markets, technology transfer, procurement opportunities or more integrated supply chains.

The targets emerging from the 2026 Brics Business Forum provide a useful framework for this shift, including the call to identify and address the 10 most significant trade barriers, setting a target to support 100 Brics start-ups each year to expand into other member markets and facilitating 1,000 new cross-border business partnerships.

For South African business the value of these targets will be determined by what they unlock. This is equally important when considering South Africa’s position as a gateway to Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area provides an opportunity to connect South African production and services to a much larger continental market. We should therefore position South Africa not only as a destination for Brics investment but as a platform from which international companies can build partnerships, establish production and access opportunities across Africa.

That means attracting partners to South Africa to invest alongside local businesses, develop joint ventures, transfer technology and build capabilities that serve both domestic and continental markets. It also means ensuring that market access created through international engagement translates into opportunities for South African producers and service providers.

South Africa’s Brics presidency in 2028 provides an opportunity to shape an agenda around priorities that reflect our economic circumstances and our position within Africa and the wider Global South. That agenda should not be developed only when the presidency arrives. The work must begin now.

• Nicolaou is a member of the South African Brics Business Council

Again deploring Bozell’s “undiplomatic conduct” and interference in SA’s domestic affairs, Lamola defended government’s decision to demarche Bozell for the third time since his arrival in February – despite fears of putting further strain on relations between SA and US president Donald Trump’s administration.

A démarche is the strongest formal diplomatic protest a government can issue, short of declaring a diplomat persona non grata.

Speaking to the Sunday Times at OR Tambo International Airport before leaving for an African leaders’ gathering in Egypt, Lamola accused Bozell of interfering in domestic issues, which he said was frowned upon in diplomacy.

Lamola said South Africa had issued Bozell with a third démarche to express unhappiness with his latest comments on the “white genocide falsehood”, and his September meeting with AfriForum in which he expressed frustration with the South African government as well as his claim that the US was “tired of the many discussions” and had run out of patience with South Africa.

The minister said he was “taken aback” by Bozell’s remark that the “time for talking was over” because, as a diplomat, his job is to resolve differences through dialogue.

It’s our job to talk. So if you can’t talk as a diplomat and you cannot dialogue ... get out of the kitchen

Ronald Lamola, international relations minister

If Bozell was “tired” of talking, Lamola added, he ought to “get out of the kitchen”.

“I was taken aback. You can’t have a diplomat who says time for talking is over. It’s our job to talk. So if you can’t talk as a diplomat and you cannot dialogue ... get out of the kitchen,” said Lamola.

“Yes, he has been involved in very undiplomatic conduct. As a diplomat you cannot interfere in the domestic politics of your host. It’s rule number one of diplomacy. And he clearly with his posture, public engagements, clearly he’s engaging in our domestic politics.” Lamola added that South Africa is capable of running its own domestic affairs.

“At this stage, we have démarched him, we have frowned upon his conduct and we urge him to desist from this undiplomatic conduct.”

Asked if the latest démarche will not further antagonise an already hostile White House, Lamola said South Africa will continue to act on any ambassador that fails to toe the line.

“No, a wrong conduct is a wrong conduct. It must be attended to. It doesn’t matter who that comes from. Whether it comes from him, or it comes from Washington, it’s a wrong conduct by a diplomat,” said Lamola.

He pointed out that when the US was not happy with comments made by then ambassador to the US, Ebrahim Rasool, Washington expelled the ambassador without so much as a warning.

“In Washington, you will remember that our ambassador was not even démarched, he was not even given a warning, he was expelled for the same conduct that this ambassador Bozell is guilty of here in South Africa,” said Lamola.

“In fact, we are better, we are giving him warnings, we are engaging him. And this is a clear demonstration from our side that we remain committed to dialogue and engage with them — and we are clearly being genuine, extending a genuine hand.”

When all the countries are joining us on this matter, including the UK which is an ally of the US, on the side of the UN Charter, it is clear that South Africa is standing on principle.”

Lamola

Lamola is in Egypt this weekend to accompany President Cyril Ramaphosa who is attending the 8^th AU Mid-Year Coordination Meeting in his capacity as chairperson of the Southern African Development Community.

Lamola spent much of last month in the US attending the UN’s General Assembly, and meeting with US politicians, including senator Bernie Sanders and congressmen Jessie Jackson Jnr and Gregory Meeks.

He said that his meetings left him with the impression that Washington, rather than Pretoria, was out of step with the international mood on topics such “white genocide in South Africa” and the country’s stance on Israel ‘s war in Gaza.

“There is a tectonic shift in the world. Countries of global influence are now coming back to the UN Charter as you have seen from their recognition of the state of Palestine to the clear latest shift and firm standing on the side of the UN Charter by the UK,” said Lamola.

“And as you know there’s many countries, particularly in Europe, that have been leading the charge in defence of the UN Charter and the rule of law, like Norway — they’ve always been there — and then France last year hosted the two-state solution conference and the UK has now come out firmly and clearly. So it is clear that the UN Charter is now being vindicated by these countries and they are now also ready to proceed, to also defend, and this is good for the international rule of law.”

South Africa, said Lamola, was now being rightly recognised as an important player in the geopolitical sphere for its “principled” stance on the international rule of law.

“It shows that we have played a role of global influence and we continue to do so as a country. And many countries do recognise South Africa’s role, influence and stature in global politics,” said Lamola.

“This is signified by The Hague Group, the panel on inequality, the fact that contenders and leading candidates for the UN secretary-general have all lobbied South Africa. And we have been very clear as South Africa that we support a woman from Latin America and we want to see them succeed.”

“So we know that Washington has issues with our views as they have expressed this opinion, but when all the countries are joining us on this matter, including the UK which is an ally of the US, on the side of the UN Charter, it is clear that South Africa is standing on principle.”

I’m glad they’ve not been able to succeed because progressive Afrikaners, white South Africans, blacks, coloured, Indians have said ‘not in our name’. Although we have challenges, we are capable of resolving our challenges

Lamola

He said that the stance taken by some in the US Congress, by Norway, the UK, and global superpowers in denouncing both Israel and the white genocide “lies” shows that the White House was being isolated in the stance it has taken against South Africa.

“(There are) very progressive Americans who have got a very clear picture about South Africa and they are shocked about the lies and falsehoods of white genocide that are being peddled about South Africa,” he said.

“They see South Africa as a progressive country, a country that has got rule of law — that like any other country has got its challenges. Like the crime challenge that affects everyone which we are contending with and we are attending to, our history of inequality and landlessness, of dispossession.

“They understand that we have got a constitutional imperative to address the history of inequality, of landlessness for the black majority, and they understand that this is a constitutional imperative — it’s not an arbitrary process, it’s something that should be respected — that it is necessary for the South African people to do. And they also understand that we are the last nation in the world to gain our democracy and we have worked very hard to build a nation with our diversity.”

According to Lamola, there is a direct link between the White House’s hostilities against South Africa and its genocidal case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, as well as the white genocide falsehoods.

He said the US was essentially punishing South Africa for its stance against Israel by attacking what he says are two fault lines to discredit the country on the global stage. These fault lines, Lamola said, were non-racialism as well as ethnicity and tribalism.

“So someone will want to go there and if you attack that, it means you are going to stoke racial conflict and divide South African society along racial lines. But I’m glad they’ve not been able to succeed because progressive Afrikaners, white South Africans, blacks, coloured, Indians have said ‘not in our name’. Although we have challenges, we are capable of resolving our challenges,” said Lamola.

“The second fault line, it will be on ethnicity, tribalism, what we see as xenophobia. Because of the history of divisions in the country, you will want that to be stoked and obviously an extension of this white genocide thing is what we see unfolding, sometimes gaining traction in some platforms on xenophobia that we have condemned.

“We are very clear that the South African government has got the right to enforce its immigration laws, but this must be done by the government lawfully through authorities — and must not be used to divide our society either on racial, on ethnic, on colour, or on origin.”

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A third person has come forward to deny ever having lodged a complaint against embattled University of Cape Town (UCT) vice-chancellor Mosa Moshabela.

Jeff Murugan, a former UCT executive, has asked the university registrar to investigate how he became associated with an alleged complaint against Moshabela and how the matter reached the university council. Murugan has offered to testify under oath and has asked that the full council hear his concerns.

His claims add another twist to the legal battle between Moshabela and the UCT council, and follow separate denials and questions raised by two other people about complaints or concerns attributed to them during processes involving the vice-chancellor.

Former UCT staff member Wilna Venter has stated that she learnt only when approached by investigators that she had allegedly been identified as the source of a complaint against Moshabela. She has denied ever making a complaint.

This week Zamambo Mkhize, a UCT social scientist, filed an affidavit in the Western Cape High Court saying she had also never complained about the vice-chancellor. Her alleged complaint detailed how Moshabela had asked a campus security officer to use a master key to gain access to her residence to check on her after receiving a call from her mother raising concern about her daughter, who had been unwell.

Mkhize later thanked the security officer for checking on her and regarded the incident as a private matter.

Moshabela — who was appointed vice-chancellor for a five-year term in 2024 — has approached the Western Cape High Court seeking to review and set aside four resolutions adopted by the council on May 30.

I responded that this was completely false and that I have never had any one-on-one interactions with the ombud or anyone from the office of the ombud

Jeff Murugan, a former UCT executive

The resolutions followed an investigation into 34 complaints concerning his conduct. The council decided that disciplinary proceedings should not be instituted against him over those complaints but authorised further steps, including an investigation into the incident involving Mkhize.

Moshabela is challenging those decisions.

In an e-mail seen by the Sunday Times, Murugan said he was contacted by Fairbridges Attorneys in March and asked to verify information that he had approached the UCT ombud to lodge a complaint against Moshabela.

Murugan said he immediately denied doing so.

“I responded that this was completely false and that I have never had any one-on-one interactions with the ombud or anyone from the office of the ombud,” he said.

Murugan said he subsequently agreed to meet investigators on March 13 to put his version on record.

During that meeting, he said, investigators told him they had received information from the ombud indicating that she had met him when he visited her office and had subsequently approached him about speaking to investigators.

Murugan said neither encounter had taken place.

“After a lengthy conversation with the investigators, I was asked if I would like to remain anonymous. I declined and insisted that — given the egregious nature of the fabrication of the allegation and the seniority of my former position in the executive — my name be made explicit in the report,” he said.

“I was assured that this would be the case.”

Murugan said he was frustrated and angry that he had been represented in this manner.

“I am therefore writing to ask for an impartial investigation into the actions and motives of the ombud, anyone who may have assisted her and how it came to be considered at council. I will readily provide testimony under oath,” he wrote.

The denials have intensified scrutiny of how complaints and concerns about Moshabela were gathered, attributed and ultimately placed before the university’s governance structures — questions that now form part of the wider dispute playing out in court.

The fact that council acts when serious concerns are brought to its attention should never be understood as council having predetermined the truth of those concerns

Norman Arendse, council chair

The Sunday Times sent questions to UCT about the allegations concerning the ombud and the university’s processes.

UCT spokesperson Elijah Moholola said the university would not comment on the details because the dispute between Moshabela and the council was before the courts.

In an earlier statement, council chair Norman Arendse said the council’s role was neither to protect an office bearer from legitimate scrutiny nor to assume wrongdoing merely because an allegation had been made.

“Its responsibility is to act in the best interests of the university,” Arendse said. “The fact that council acts when serious concerns are brought to its attention should never be understood as council having predetermined the truth of those concerns.”

He said the council had sought independent legal advice and used independent external professionals in an effort to safeguard the fairness and integrity of the process.

Education expert Prof Mary Metcalfe said the latest developments reinforced concerns about the prolonged governance dispute at UCT and called for an independent process to establish what had happened.

“This would best be done by an independent assessor appointed by the minister of higher education, which the law allows him to do,” she said.

Metcalfe said the continuing dispute was damaging to the institution and needed to be resolved urgently.

Higher education minister Buti Manamela said he has spoken to both Arendse and the Moshabela. He has asked for a report from the council to establish a clear understanding of the issues.

While the DA refused to take it down, the billboard company removed it to “protect our business and our landlord’s interests, and maintain a neutral position”.

DA mayoral candidate Haniff Hoosen unveiled the billboard on the busy N2 highway on Monday, saying the party wanted to start a conversation about who was responsible for the city’s failure to fix water infrastructure and its reliance on water tankers to supply suburbs with water.

The billboard read: “You can stop the water tanker mafia. Vote DA for water in your taps.” Alongside the words are pictures of eThekwini mayor Cyril Xaba, municipal manager Musa Mbhele and technical services director Ednick Msweli.

Hoosen said the water crisis had worsened under the three, with about 13,000 active water leaks at any given time. He said the city loses an estimated 21-billion litres of water a month.

“Clean drinking water is pouring into roads, drains and the ground while families wait beside the road for tankers. This leadership failure has allowed emergency tankers to become a permanent substitute for working infrastructure. It has created an environment in which tanker interests benefit while residents suffer.”

It is blatantly clear that this statement, which is inherently hostile, was created with the intention to influence that election, and designed to directly undermine my clients, the respective positions they currently hold, as well as the eThekwini municipality as a whole

Hiresen Govender, municipal officials' attorney

But the three municipal officials took umbrage at being linked to the “water tanker mafia”.

Their attorney, Hiresen Govender, on Tuesday sent a letter to the DA and Hoosen demanding they remove what he called the defamatory billboard — plus all social media references — and issue an apology within 24 hours.

In the letter, Govender said the billboard implied his clients were involved in organised criminal activity.

“This statement, which has been publicly published alongside a major motorway in the greater Durban area and on your website, to which innumerable persons will be subjected, is entirely false, unfounded, and defamatory,” he wrote.

“Considering the coming local elections in November, it is blatantly clear that this statement, which is inherently hostile, was created with the intention to influence that election, and designed to directly undermine my clients, the respective positions they currently hold, as well as the eThekwini municipality as a whole.”

Govender said the statement went beyond mere political rhetoric and that, while the DA and Hoosen were entitled to criticise the municipality and its employees, they should do so in a “legally permissible manner” without resorting to defamation.

Govender said his clients would go to the high court to protect their rights and seek damages if their demands were not met.

On Thursday Hoosen was adamant the billboard would stay and said he would see the three in court if necessary.

“The billboard does not allege that these individuals are members of a mafia. Instead of using public resources and official correspondence to fight a billboard, they should get to work fixing the pipes.”

But on Friday the billboard had been removed, and Hoosen said he believed someone in the city was behind what he called censorship.

“We don’t know exactly who instructed [the billboard company] to remove it or how it came down,” he said. “I know there were some complaints to the billboard company, and they [the municipality] have been trying to put people under pressure to get the billboard out. There are intimidatory tactics that the city uses to get their way, and we suspect that is the case here.”

Outdoor advertising company Face First Media denied intimidation or threats.

“We became aware that legal action was being contemplated and that we could potentially be implicated,” the company said. ”We recognise that political matters can be sensitive and contentious. Our role is to operate transparently and responsibly, maintaining trust with our clients, landlords and everyone we work with."

It had therefore taken a “responsible decision to remove the advertising, protect our business and our landlord’s interests, and maintain a neutral position”.

“This was our decision and does not express any political view on the landlord’s behalf.”

The city issued a statement on Tuesday saying it had spent about R345m to buy 318 water tankers and an additional 43 tankers before the end of the year. This was in response to what it called challenges in communities where water infrastructure remained limited.

There’s absolutely nothing wrong with the DA using this issue in its campaign. What may be questionable is the mentioning of the three individuals instead of going after the main culprit here, the ANC

Zakhele Ndlovu, political analyst

Xaba said the tankers were an interim measure, with the municipality’s long-term commitment being to ensure that residents have reliable access to water through household taps.

Political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu said: “There’s absolutely nothing wrong with the DA using this issue in its campaign. What may be questionable is the mentioning of the three individuals instead of going after the main culprit here, the ANC.

“There is a perception out there that some ANC leaders are benefiting from water tankers, as is the case with the sabotaging of the rail infrastructure so that some ANC [members] could benefit from the truck business, which is overwhelming our road infrastructure.

“The DA could accuse the ANC of presiding over a mafia-state kakistocracy, as the Madlanga commission has amply demonstrated.”

Provincial ANC spokesperson Sifiso Sonjica said the party welcomed Xaba’s decision to consider legal action against the DA over the “billboard spreading unsubstantiated claims about him and city officials”.

Xaba is top of the ANC’s list of 106 candidates for proportional representation in the November elections.

“The ANC is also concerned about the amount of disinformation and negative campaigning that borders on breaking the electoral code, including the disinformation code,” Sonjica said. “We are urging all political parties to adhere to these important codes.”

In March, a DA billboard mocking Gauteng premier Panyaza Lesufi for his hotel shower gaffe during water interruptions — with an AI-generated image of him showering — drew legal threats.

The ANC is also arguing that, if the highest court in the land upholds the recent Electoral Court ruling against it, the constitutional rights of some of its members to stand for public office following their nomination will be violated, and those of voters to elect their preferred candidates will be undermined.

This is according to an affidavit submitted to the country’s apex court by party secretary-general Fikile Mbalula, seeking an order to overturn last month’s Electoral Court decision.

The Electoral Court dismissed the ANC’s appeal against the IEC after the body that runs elections decided that the ANC had not submitted its lists of candidates in at least six municipalities after it failed to click the “submit as final” button on the IEC’s online candidate nomination system (OCNS) before the 5pm deadline on August 28.

This decision has sent the ANC into a tailspin, as it may not be able to contest the November 4 local government elections in municipalities such as Port St Johns, Ngquza Hill, Walter Sisulu, Sunday’s River Valley, uMshwathi and Mangaung, with at least 181 of its candidates likely to be affected if it does not win its case in the Constitutional Court.

The party contends that clicking the ‘submit as final’ button was not a legal requirement in terms of section 14 of the Municipal Electoral Act but merely a software function

The matter is due to be heard in the ConCourt this week, following the ANC’s application for the apex court to overturn the Electoral Court’s decision in favour of the IEC.

The party contends that clicking the “submit as final” button was not a legal requirement in terms of section 14 of the Municipal Electoral Act but merely a software function.

The ANC further argues that in any case all its candidates had been “uploaded and captured” on the OCNS by the stipulated deadline — which, it tells the ConCourt, has never been disputed by the IEC.

“Before 5pm on August 28 2026, the deadline fixed by the election timetable, the ANC completed the electronic forms and uploaded every annexure in every municipality and ward it intended to contest, including the six municipalities at issue in this application,” Mbalula says in papers before the apex court.

“However, in respect of the six affected municipalities, the ANC’s administrators, for reasons beyond their control, could not before the cut-off time press the button on the OCNS labelled ‘submit as final’.

“The question is therefore whether pressing ‘submit as final’ is a condition [for] a valid electronic submission under sections 14 and 17 of the act, or merely an administrative step within the [IEC] software that neither the act nor the regulations require. That is a question of law. It is the only question on which the appeal turns.”

The ANC chief further argues that the issue would disenfranchise voters and therefore have ramifications beyond his party. The IEC had rejected 2,274 candidates from 45 political parties, even though they had been captured on the OCNS, simply because they were “not fully submitted” by the August 28 5pm cut-off time.

The relief sought by the intervening applicants is required to ensure their rights to vote for a political party of their choice, and to contest and possibly hold public office in the upcoming local government elections, are protected

ANC court papers

“[Accordingly], voters in the affected municipalities and wards [will be] deprived of choices that section 19 of the constitution exists to protect.”

Mbalula is supported by Bongani Mathae, one of the 49 affected ANC members in Mangaung, who is also the current speaker of the Free State’s only metro municipality.

In papers in which he and the other 48 affected by the candidate submission issue ask to be allowed to intervene in the ConCourt case, Mathae argues that the Electoral Court’s decision to rule in favour of the IEC last month violated his and others’ constitutional right to stand for public office.

“The relief sought by the intervening applicants is required to ensure their rights to vote for a political party of their choice, and to contest and possibly hold public office in the upcoming local government elections, are protected.

“The relief also extends to the class of citizens in Mangaung who are members and supporters of the ANC to vote for a political party of their choice.

“As stated above, the application is brought by the 49 intervening applicants in their own interests in vindicating their section 19(3) constitutional rights; in the interests of the class of persons being ANC members in Mangaung, in terms of section 38(c) of the constitution; and in the public interest, in terms of section 38(d) of the constitution.”

With just four weeks to go before the municipal polls, the ANC is also asking the ConCourt to hear its application on an urgent basis and order the IEC to reprint ballot papers, where necessary, if its application is successful.

Ensemble Hotel Holdings, owned through a chain of Libyan investment entities, has approached the apex court seeking to overturn an SCA ruling compelling it to sell its stake in Legacy Hotels & Resorts.

Legacy is led and controlled by veteran hotelier Bart Dorrestein. The group also owns other luxury hotels, including:

• the Leonardo and DAVINCI hotels in Sandton;
• the Commodore Hotel at the V&A Waterfront in Cape Town; and
• several luxury bush lodges, including Kwa Maritane.

Ensemble estimates that its 39.79% share in Legacy is worth about R600m, while entities associated with Dorrestein own 60% of the company. The Michelangelo Hotel is wholly owned by Ensemble, but Legacy runs it through a management agreement.

The low-rise five-star hotel — in Maude Street, adjoining Nelson Mandela Square — has been closed since 2020 due to the standoff between the two parties. It sits alongside the soaring 34-storey Michelangelo Towers, also owned by Legacy, which is operational. Ensemble has launched a separate process to hand over the management of the hotel to a different operator.

We are not seeking to perpetuate the deadlock or avoid a lawful separation

Ziad Jamal Ali El-Barag, Ensemble CEO

Instead of having to sell its shares to Legacy, Ensemble wants the Constitutional Court to order that Legacy be auctioned off between the two parties. If this fails, Ensemble wants the matter sent back to a differently constituted panel of the SCA to come up with a just and equitable remedy.

“We are not seeking to perpetuate the deadlock or avoid a lawful separation. We are asking for a remedy that respects the right to a fair hearing, protects the value of the investment, and can lawfully be implemented,” said Ensemble’s CEO, Ziad Jamal Ali El-Barag.

According to court papers, the relationship between Ensemble and Legacy deteriorated over the years owing to tensions and disagreements over corporate governance, control and transparency. Things came to a head in 2021, when Legacy’s majority shareholders sought to transfer lucrative hotel management contracts from Legacy Hotels to a company called Legacy Hospitality. They argued that the sanctions imposed on entities in Ensemble’s Libyan ownership chain by the UN Security Council in 2011 created reputational issues and affected Legacy’s business negatively.

In court papers, El-Barag says Dorrestein and other majority shareholders engineered the move to shift management contracts to Legacy Hospitality as a strategy to muscle Ensemble out of Legacy. He also complained that, since he was not a director of Legacy Hospitality, he had no sight of the company’s business dealings, contracts and financials.

He told judges that the main shareholders shut him out of the company by repeatedly and over many months refusing to give him financial records and other critical information to help him fulfil his fiduciary duties.

By 2022, El-Barag’s relationship with Dorrestein was so strained that he went to the high court to demand, among other claims, Legacy’s financial records and that judges force a corporate divorce between Ensemble and Dorrestein through a private auction of shares for control of Legacy.

Dorrestein and his faction filed a counterclaim, arguing that Ensemble’s Libyan links prejudiced Legacy and amounted to oppressive conduct that impeded the company from doing business. As a remedy, they demanded that:

• Ensemble sell its stake in Legacy back to Dorrestein;
• Legacy buy back Ensemble’s shares;
• The value of Ensemble’s stake be determined by an independent expert;
• The value of Ensemble’s shares be backdated to January 29 2021;
• The expert be empowered to apply applicable and necessary discounts; and
• El-Barag resign from Legacy.

The high court granted Ensemble substantial relief, with judge Leicester Adams ordering Legacy to provide El-Barag with access to financial records and other information he had been denied. Adams confirmed that the repeated withholding of or delay in providing information constituted conduct that unfairly disregarded Ensemble’s interests.

Though Ensemble had argued that sanctions barred the sale of its shares and had proposed the sale of Legacy’s business instead, Adams found that the shares could lawfully be traded. He ruled that, since the relationship between Ensemble and Legacy had irretrievably broken down, a private auction in which the warring shareholder groups could bid for each other’s shares in Legacy was the best option. Adams also dismissed Dorrestein and his faction’s counterclaim, finding that Ensemble had not oppressed Legacy.

Dorrestein’s faction appealed, advancing what Ensemble described as contradictory submissions: it simultaneously asked the SCA to overturn the high court ruling that allowed the warring parties to bid for Legacy’s shares, contending Ensemble’s shares were frozen assets, and also requested that Ensemble be required to sell its shares to Legacy.

The SCA upheld the high court’s conclusion that Ensemble had been wronged and that Legacy’s decision to withhold financial records and other critical information from El-Barag violated his rights and unfairly prejudiced him.

The SCA also dismissed the Dorrestein faction’s counterclaim in its entirety, rejecting Legacy’s argument that Ensemble’s Libyan ownership structure amounted to oppressive conduct.

The SCA judges held that, while the effects of Libya’s sanctions meant that in the normal course of business Ensemble’s shares couldn’t be traded, they concluded that, provided the parties obtained the finance minister’s approval for the sale, under the country’s sanctions laws Legacy could proceed with Ensemble’s buyout.

The judgment gives no reason why Ensemble, rather than the majority, must be the party forced out

El-Barag.

Despite the judges finding that Ensemble was the party entitled to protection and not the majority shareholders, they nevertheless granted the Dorrestein faction remedies that substantially resemble what was contended for in Legacy’s dismissed counterclaim.

In his affidavit to the CC, El-Barag complains that the remedies awarded by the SCA favour Legacy over Ensemble, instead of correcting the wrongs committed by Legacy, as identified by both the high court and the SCA.

He questions why Ensemble is being pushed out and he is being forced to resign despite findings that the majority shareholder’s counterclaim failed and the company had unfairly withheld critical financial records from him.

“The judgment gives no reason why Ensemble, rather than the majority, must be the party forced out,” said El-Barag.

He is also unhappy that, while three possible remedies were debated before the SCA, it ultimately imposed a compulsory buyout of Ensemble by Legacy without giving the parties a sufficient opportunity to challenge the specific terms and mechanics of the remedy that became binding on them.

El-Barag questions why the judges ordered that Ensemble be bought out by Legacy, subject to ministerial approval, before determining whether the finance minister actually has the legal power under the Financial Intelligence Centre Act to authorise such a transaction.

In his affidavit, El-Barag also stresses that Ensemble has been wrongly and unfairly painted as a sanctioned company, insisting that neither Ensemble nor its parent entity, Libyan African Investment Company, is on the UN sanctions list.

The dispute, he says, is not about a sanctioned company but rather about a specific Legacy shareholding that the courts have classified as a frozen asset because of its indirect links to Libya’s sovereign wealth structures.

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The South African National Roads Agency (Sanral) says it is not aware of taxi boss Joe “Ferrari” Sibanyoni’s involvement in the multimillion-rand upgrade of the R573 Moloto Road.

The road, notorious for its fatalities in accidents, links Gauteng, Mpumalanga and Limpopo, stretching from East Lynne in Pretoria, to Marble Hall in Limpopo and passing through several villages in Mpumalanga.

The project came under scrutiny at the Madlanga commission this week, where allegations of extortion against Sibanyoni were aired.

Sibanyoni and his close ally, Bafana Sindane, are among four people accused of extortion in a criminal case before the Delmas magistrate’s court.

The allegations stem from businessman Tengane Ntuli’s claim that Sibanyoni and Sindane extorted more than R2m from him over three years. Ntuli owns a company that supplied aggregate to the road project. Sibanyoni admits receiving the money but denies the allegations of extortion, claiming he had entered into a “partnership” with Ntuli, who had to meet a 30% local content requirement to qualify for the contract in Mpumalanga from Sanral’s main contractor.

However, Sanral spokesperson Lwando Mahlasela told the Sunday Times on Friday: “Sanral is not aware of the direct involvement of Mr Sibanyoni on the Moloto Road upgrade project.”

Sibanyoni this week acknowledged that there was no documentary proof of his involvement in the project and that his agreement with Ntuli had been verbal.

Mahlasela said Sanral’s appointment of local contractors on its projects is generally guided by a minimum 30% “contract participation goal”.

“This means a minimum 30% of the total value of the project must be subcontracted to locals,” he said.

Sibanyoni also came under sustained questioning from chief evidence leader Matthew Chaskalson SC over his alleged involvement in efforts to put pressure on bus operator Putco to sell its business.

Chaskalson suggested that Sibanyoni may have been at the centre of efforts to interfere with Putco’s operations.

On Wednesday, the commission was shown a video of Sibanyoni engaging with President Cyril Ramaphosa and mineral and petroleum resources minister Gwede Mantashe. Sibanyoni demands a 30% local stake in Putco and says that if anyone interferes with the bus company, “you should know it’s us”.

Months later, Putco recorded about 350 incidents in which its buses were allegedly stopped on Moloto Road by taxi operators. More than 50 of its buses were torched in co-ordinated arson attacks at several depots in Mpumalanga, including Moloto and Siyabuswa.

When you spoke to the president earlier that year, you said, you must know it is us if people interfere with the Putco business. You must know it is us. So why should we not assume that it was you?

Evidence leader Matthew Chaskalson SC to Joe 'Ferrari' Sibanyoni

“When you spoke to the president earlier that year, you said, you must know it is us if people interfere with the Putco business. You must know it is us. So why should we not assume that it was you?” Chaskalson asked.

Sibanyoni sought to distance himself from the incidents. “I was not speaking on behalf of myself. I have mentioned that. The interest of the community and the business people at home,” he said.

He accused the commission of “personalising” the Putco issue, arguing that the bus operator did not fall within the commission’s mandate.

Chaskalson disagreed. “You have some meetings with Putco in 2023 … at the start of 2024, you make a speech to the president when you say, we are fighting for 30% of Putco,” he said. The threat that “when you see people interfering with Putco, you must know it is us” was followed by Putco experiencing blockades, he said.

He referred to the burning of Putco buses at three depots in KwaNdebele on January 25 2025. Two days later Sibanyoni was allegedly in communication with Sindane about buying buses, Chaskalson said.

“A month later, Taxi Choice, not the local community, made an unsolicited offer to purchase the whole of the Putco fleet. These seem to me to point to a single process where Putco is being placed under pressure to sell to Taxi Choice,” Chaskalson said.

Sibanyoni rejected the inference and denied any involvement in the attacks on Putco.

Sibanyoni was also questioned on:

• Police escorts he received that were allegedly organised by Sindane;
• His involvement in paying legal fees for a man described before the commission as an alleged taxi-industry hitman;
• His attitude towards the Kwagga 20, a group of alleged extortionists that included his nephew, Mandla Mtsweni; and
• Receiving internal police documents and sharing them with Sindane.

Meanwhile, axed SAPS crime intelligence boss Feroz Khan and another crime intelligence officer known as Witness S are among those expected to give evidence next week as the Madlanga commission moves into a period of in camera hearings.

Public hearings are expected to resume on November 9. Future witnesses include:

• suspended police minister Senzo Mchunu;
• former Independent Directorate for Anti-Corruption head Andrea Johnson;
• Gubis85 Solutions security company owner Calvin Mahlangu; and
• Sindane.

Commission spokesperson Jeremy Michaels said the commission was also considering several applications for in camera testimony expected during October.

Mchunu is expected back in November, he said.

“The commission will throughout December and January focus on the final report, which is due to be submitted to President Cyril Ramaphosa on January 25,” Michaels said.

Sunday Times

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The South African agriculture and agribusiness sector’s view on Brics participation has generally focused on how this can expand export opportunities.

Other matters that agribusiness groups in Brics countries typically raise — such as climate-smart agriculture, advances in seed breeding and deeper fertiliser trade — are also important and broadly beneficial to South Africa.

But so far, many of these issues have largely been discussed from a “knowledge-sharing” perspective, without a clear avenue to ensure technical knowledge transfer to countries with lower agricultural productivity.

As China assumes the chair of Brics next year, it will likely continue the focus on these productivity issues in agriculture. But the encouraging part for South Africa’s agricultural and agribusiness sectors is that China has already indicated it will also focus on trade-related matters. A Brics global chair that champions trade will be valuable ahead of South Africa’s time to chair the group once more in 2028. But the approach going into next year may need a review.

Agribusinesses and the agricultural sector typically participate in the Brics group through the country chapters of the Brics business council. The council is not a policy body but a recognised forum for dialogue among the business communities of the various countries. Before the annual summit, the chairing country formulates a report — supported by other member countries — which is then tabled at the leaders’ summit for consideration.

While this process ensures that Brics political leaders are aware of the business council’s work, it remains unclear how much impact the council has had on key policies and programmes within the grouping. Thus, it may be critical that each chapter of the council not only tables its ideas through formal channels ahead of the summit, but also engages with its domestic government throughout the year on its agenda and its vision for Brics.

The summits can’t only end up as spectacular events for the day without tangible benefits for the various business communities

This would strengthen alignment as the various working groups that focus on different aspects meet regularly, discuss the work programme from the start and refine ideas throughout the year — closing points of divergence and building common purpose and support for the agenda.

Work that reflects the priorities of business communities in all member countries should ideally receive more political support and — over time — lead to material gains for businesses and communities across Brics countries.

The summits can’t only end up as spectacular events for the day without tangible benefits for the various business communities. If this continues, doubts about Brics’s effectiveness will grow. This is even more urgent today as the world faces geo-economic tensions, and the Brics group itself faces pressure from outside countries that view it as a competitor.

Instead of an illusory view of what happens in Brics, material progress that strengthens countries’ economic ties would be much more beneficial. In the case of China, it has already shown leadership on trade matters. At a time when various countries are lifting tariffs and closing their markets, China has embraced open markets. For the African continent, the China-Africa economic partnership agreement for shared development is one such material step, as it lowered tariffs on various goods from African countries to zero.

What remains now for some agricultural products is ensuring that China also addresses phytosanitary barriers so this agreement can deliver material economic benefits and truly live up to its objective of enhancing development and prosperity in Africa and China. The steps that China has already taken in managing its affairs with the African continent are the same approach that must be marshalled within Brics.

If China pursues trade matters deliberately, then when South Africa assumes the chair in 2028, it will build on already fertile ground. The business communities of all member countries would also benefit from this approach. Brics has potential, but action beyond major speeches is essential to the group’s economic advancement.

• Sihlobo is South Africa’s presidential envoy on agriculture and land. He is also chief economist of the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa, and a senior research fellow in the department of agricultural economics at Stellenbosch University.

The 24-time Grand Slam champion battled back from a set down to beat local hope and world No104 Bu Yunchaokete 4-6 7-6(2) 6-2 in the last 16 in Beijing, extending his perfect record at the tournament to 31-0.

Djokovic — who returned to the ATP 500 event after an 11-year absence as he seeks to regain momentum following his exit from the top 10 — is aiming for a strong finish to a season that included a shock first-round loss at the US Open, his earliest Grand Slam defeat since the 2006 Australian Open.

It’s not fun when you’re feeling like that on the court because then I’m investing my emotional, mental energy, and physical [energy], of course, more on the issues that I’m having rather than thinking about the game and how I can beat my opponent

Novak Djokovic, 24-time Grand Slam

The 39-year-old Serb vomited midway through the US Open match and was troubled by back and shoulder issues that affected his serve late on. He had also required a medical timeout during his opening-round victory over Portugal’s Nuno Borges in Beijing.

“I don’t want to go into details because then it’s going to sound like I’m whining about something or looking for excuses,” Djokovic told a news conference.

Big, big struggle

“The truth is that this year has been a big, big struggle for me with [a] few particular issues that I’ve been having. I’ve been just trying to find different ways to be at least giving myself a decent condition physically and health-wise to be on the court and compete with the player across the net.

“Most of the matches and tournaments this year that I’ve played have been a real, real struggle for me physically. That’s nothing to do with stamina. People mix it up. It’s not stamina. It’s something else. More related to health.”

Djokovic did not elaborate on the problem but said he and his team were still trying to get to the root of it. “Actually, surprisingly, something I haven’t experienced this year so far, that in the third set I kind of broke through. I felt better. Towards the end of the second and all third sets, I felt fresher than I had in the beginning of the match...”

“It’s not fun when you’re feeling like that on the court because then I’m investing my emotional, mental energy, and physical [energy], of course, more on the issues that I’m having rather than thinking about the game and how I can beat my opponent.”

Djokovic has won a record six China Open titles, most recently in 2015 before making his return to the tournament this season.

Reuters

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Last Monday, the St Martin-in-the-Fields Anglican church on Trafalgar Square in London hosted Irish journalist and author Fintan O’Toole as part of its autumn lecture series titled “Here I Stand: At the Heart, On the Edge”.

The series involves weekly lectures by prominent thinkers and writers. On September 15, for example, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, who is a respected author, spoke under the title “Here I Stand: Solidarity”. He looked at how the “concept of solidarity had been used as a rallying cry by the labour movement”, the concept’s “central place in struggles for racial justice”, and how the idea of solidarity “is often invoked as the answer to inequality and conflict”.

O’Toole’s theme was “Here I stand: Gulliver’s Warning”, in which he invoked Irish satirist and priest Jonathan Swift’s book Gulliver’s Travels, which looked at greatness and colonial abuse. O’Toole analysed the book using contemporary examples such as the attempted resuscitation of the Orange March in Northern Ireland last weekend and Palestine.

One of the themes that touched me as I sat in that audience on Monday was O’Toole’s assertion that for those used to the entitlement of superiority due to race, gender, sexual orientation and colonial supremacy, the call for equality represented the onset of “victimhood”.

In his view, the colonialists, used to lording it over ordinary colonised locals, find the reassertion of the “dignity of the ordinary” to represent, in an absurd and twisted way, their own victimisation. Equality, therefore, is not justice but persecution.

The racists in charge of the campaign cannot countenance that in this regrettably violent society in which we live, they too fall victim

Thus, to bring it home, the struggle for freedom from colonisation by black people in this country was seen as an attempt to drive whites into the sea and victimise them. The results of the negotiations between the ANC in particular and the apartheid colonial lords led by FW De Klerk, which gave blacks little back, are today being resisted by right-wing whites.

Any attempt by the government to assert the dignity of the ordinary, through either inadequate land reform plans or policies such as BEE, is attacked as racist and designed to victimise whites as a group.

In a country where violent crime devours black women in multitudes and other sectors of black society in thousands each year, the few whites who also fall victim to this scourge are elevated as race-targeted victims and not just statistics like the rest.

So, for a couple of days last month, the National Mall in the US capital, Washington, was transformed into a monument of the absurd, with white crosses planted to mount a campaign to vilify any attempt to give a little dignity to the “non-superior race”, the undignified ordinary.

The racists in charge of the campaign cannot countenance that in this regrettably violent society in which we live, they too fall victim. The farms where so many atrocities still happen should, according to them, be insulated from the insecurity that haunts all of us everywhere else.

The issue of crime that is being made central to the lie of the ‘white genocide’ needs to be tackled, not to protect white farmers or farmers in general but the entire society

Otherwise, how does one explain the growth of the private security industry, not on farms, but in the gated estates of suburbia? These facts are, however, not important and cannot sway the racists here who peddle the lies and their collaborators in the White House and state department.

For them, nothing less than a return to apartheid, but this time maybe, yes, maybe, managed by blacks, can satisfy the hankering for their status as the chosen race. Ambassador Roelf Meyer can hold as many meetings as possible with lobbyists throughout the US, and minister Ronald Lamola can demarche the US ambassador as many times as he likes; it will not change anything because the demand is not what is visible on the table.

Can the US ambassador be tossed out, as some people demand? If that were to happen, would Meyer also return? What would the economic impact be on both countries if and when Donald Trump then imposes impossible tariffs and/or sanctions?

The issue of crime that is being made central to the lie of the “white genocide” needs to be tackled, not to protect white farmers or farmers in general but the entire society. President Matamela Ramaphosa says urgent measures are needed to curb the scourge, but despite being cleared, national police commissioner Fannie Masemola is still at home and not leading his troops from the front.

Why is that? The demand for total surrender of democracy back to the racist past under the guise of white victimhood cannot be dealt with through speeches but, as O’Toole argued, through the assertion “of the dignity of the ordinary all”, not a select white few.

• Tsedu is a former editor of the Sunday Times

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South Africa is approaching another uncomfortable milestone in its democratic journey: 32 years since the end of apartheid and the beginning of constitutional democracy. Yet one question continues to confront us with uncomfortable persistence: who is prepared to defend the gains of economic transformation?

The question is particularly relevant in the current debate about broad-based BEE, employment equity and the future of economic transformation.

There is no shortage of voices criticising B-BBEE. Business organisations, political parties, commentators and other interest groups have increasingly questioned whether the policy has delivered sufficient economic growth, whether it has benefited a sufficiently broad section of black South Africans, and whether aspects of the regulatory framework have become too burdensome.

Some have called for fundamental changes, while others have argued for replacing race-based measures with alternatives based primarily on income or socioeconomic circumstances. These debates are now taking place alongside the government’s review of the B-BBEE framework.

Criticism of a public policy is legitimate. Indeed, after more than two decades of implementation, B-BBEE should be subjected to rigorous scrutiny. But there is another side to this debate that deserves much more attention: where are the voices of those who benefited from transformation policies?

This is not an argument that every beneficiary of B-BBEE or employment equity must become a political campaigner for the policy. Nor should beneficiaries be expected to defend every aspect of a policy simply because they benefited from it.

These possibilities deserve an honest conversation rather than accusations.

But there is something worth examining about the relative quietness of many successful beneficiaries: Consider the thousands of black professionals who entered senior management, executive committees and boardrooms through the transformation of South African workplaces. Consider those who benefited from employment-equity policies and are today CEOs, CFOs, HR executives, board chairs and directors of major companies.

Consider also those who participated in B-BBEE ownership transactions and other empowerment schemes and who went on to build substantial personal wealth. Many of these individuals are now living evidence that transformation policies have had consequences beyond legislation and compliance reports.

The Employment Equity Act was introduced to promote employment equity and address unfair discrimination in the workplace. B-BBEE legislation was subsequently developed to create a framework for advancing economic transformation and increasing the participation of black South Africans in the economy.

So why are some of the people who benefited from these interventions not more vocal when the policies themselves come under sustained criticism There are several possible explanations, and we should be careful not to assume that one explanation applies to everyone.

One possibility is self-preservation. A person who has spent decades climbing the corporate ladder may understand that publicly defending controversial transformation policies could create tensions with shareholders, colleagues, investors or other powerful stakeholders. A CEO may ask: why should I put my position at risk to defend a policy when I have a family, employees, a career and financial obligations to consider? That is a legitimate question.

Another possibility is that some executives simply see themselves as corporate professionals rather than political actors. They may believe their responsibility is to shareholders, employees and the performance of the company, rather than to defend public policy.

Being a black CEO does not necessarily mean owning the company. Being an executive director does not necessarily mean controlling the shareholders. Being a board chair does not mean having unlimited authority

And perhaps this is where we need to ask another uncomfortable question: do we sometimes exaggerate the power of black executives simply because they occupy senior positions?

Being a black CEO does not necessarily mean owning the company. Being an executive director does not necessarily mean controlling the shareholders. Being a board chair does not mean having unlimited authority.

Many senior black professionals are, ultimately, employees of institutions whose ownership and strategic control may remain broader and more complex than their job titles suggest.

The same question applies to black businesspeople who are genuine owners. If someone owns a successful company, has accumulated substantial wealth, and has no conventional employer to fear, why might that person remain silent?

Perhaps they believe B-BBEE has already done what it needed to do for them. Perhaps they are concerned that defending B-BBEE will invite criticism of how their wealth was accumulated. Perhaps they believe the current system needs such significant reform that defending it publicly would be counterproductive. Or perhaps, quite simply, they do not believe that they have an obligation to defend the policy.

These possibilities deserve an honest conversation rather than accusations.

There is also a larger question about social responsibility. If transformation policies created opportunities for a generation of black professionals and entrepreneurs, does success create an obligation to help preserve and expand those opportunities for the generation that follows?

This is not about asking successful people to surrender their wealth. It is not about demanding political loyalty. It is about whether those who benefited from structural change have a responsibility to participate in the national conversation about whether that change should continue.

South Africa’s own official 30-year review provides a sobering context. It records significant progress but concludes that outcomes remain inadequate, with persistent disparities in ownership, income and corporate control. It also notes that tensions between policymakers and business have at times delayed implementation of transformation measures.

The argument, therefore, cannot simply be that B-BBEE has failed or that B-BBEE has succeeded. The more useful question is: what has worked, what has not worked, who has benefited, who has been left behind, and what must change?

Perhaps the question is whether those who know most intimately what transformation has made possible are willing to stand up and participate in the difficult debate about what transformation must become next

The government itself has acknowledged the need for reform. In 2026, President Cyril Ramaphosa said the B-BBEE framework was being reviewed to ensure that it supports greater transformation and inclusive growth. At the same time, the government has maintained that economic transformation remains necessary because substantial disparities persist.

That creates an opportunity for beneficiaries to enter the debate — not as beneficiaries demanding that the status quo remain untouched, but as citizens who can say: “This is what worked for me; this is what did not; this is what must change; and this is what the next generation needs.”

Transformation cannot become a system in which a relatively small number of people climb through the door and then quietly close it behind them.

Equally, transformation cannot be defended by pretending that every criticism is motivated by opposition to equality or redress. Serious criticism must be answered with evidence, just as serious opposition must be challenged with evidence.

The silence of beneficiaries therefore matters — not because every beneficiary has a legal or moral duty to become an activist, but because democracy depends on citizens participating in debates that affect the future of society.

South Africa needs successful black executives, entrepreneurs, professionals and investors to speak honestly about their experiences. They should tell us what transformation made possible. They should tell us where it failed. They should acknowledge where empowerment became narrow, transactional, or vulnerable to abuse. And they should help ensure that the benefits they received are not treated as the final destination of transformation but as part of a much larger project.

After 32 years of democracy, perhaps the question is no longer simply whether B-BBEE should be defended. Perhaps the question is whether those who know most intimately what transformation has made possible are willing to stand up and participate in the difficult debate about what transformation must become next.

The future of economic transformation cannot be left only to the government, political parties, business lobby groups or ideological opponents.

Those who have benefited from the journey must also have a voice in determining where the journey goes next.

• Matabane is CEO of the Black Business Council

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If you spend some time in the company of women these days, the spectre of what is haunting them will soon become all too clear. On Tuesday, the president again addressed the nation with another plan to tackle gender-based violence and femicide.

However, I wonder what in Cupcake’s new “four-point plan” would be of comfort to Ma’am Mpho Letlape, who opened her heart two days later in front of some of the country’s most successful and influential women.

“On September 19 2025 — a day I will never forget — I collapsed in court and blacked out. I had a meltdown like I had never had before, not even on the day we found our daughter’s lifeless body. Because on that day my daughter was killed for the second time by the South African justice system in the form of a young, very astute African female lawyer; a young, very astute African female state social worker; and a female judge in courtroom 4B at the South Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg,” she said.

The case is familiar to many of us, but we have probably forgotten about it, owing to the outrageously long list of women who have died since her daughter, well-known pastry chef Thembekile Letlape, was murdered in May 2024 by her partner, Sibusiso Zitha, in front of his 10-year-old daughter.

He pleaded guilty but was sentenced to just 15 years in prison.

It was not a planned speech, and, perhaps because of that, the raw, honest and unrehearsed truth hung heavily in the room. The audience — including two university chancellors (Dr Precious Moloi-Motsepe and Naledi Pandor), former chair of the AU commission Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, billionaire businesswoman Irene Charnley, and erstwhile CEO of the National Empowerment Fund Philisiwe Buthelezi Mthethwa — listened in stony silence.

We were at the annual event hosted by the International Women’s Forum South Africa (IWFSA) — a powerful sisterhood of leaders from business, the government and civil society founded by Zanele Mbeki — who use the occasion to honour women who have made an extraordinary contribution to the nation.

It is a joyful event in my calendar I always look forward to — not least because, boy, can these ladies roll out the perfumed power. Even the often stern Nkosazana looked glam in red, though methinks that might in part be because, after 24-odd years in office, she now has more time to pamper herself.

There were speeches galore at the affair, hosted by Basetsana Kumalo and Cisco head Charmaine Houvet. But they’re often the sort that leave you warm and fuzzy, such as the one given by one of this year’s Hall of Femme recipients Sibongile Mkhabela, who, as the CEO of the Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund at the time, was instrumental in building a state-of-the-art paediatric facility bearing the former president’s name. The same was true of the address by the formidable Dr Anna Mokgokong, whose business empire spans health care, mining and energy.

AI doesn’t know the ache of an empty chair at the table

Margaret Nienaber, Standard Bank COO

But the standout item on the agenda is for me always the poetic praise that precedes the announcement of the recipients, performed lyrically by Lebo Mashile. I also liked the metaphor about passing the baton to the next generation delivered by advocate and current IWFSA president Thandi Orleyn. And we all nodded in agreement when Margaret Nienaber, the oh-so-glamorous COO of Standard Bank, pointed out that AI “doesn’t know the ache of an empty chair at the table”.

On to this week’s other engagements.

First up, I joined the talented interior design and architecture crowd for the Designer of the Year Awards, held at Steyn City’s clubhouse. Now, I have to admit I had a slight case of the jitters because one of my clients, interior design company Head Interiors, had been nominated in the coveted Home of the Year category for their recent Bishopscourt commission.

Arriving at the venue, I wished co-founder Michael Harrison and interior designer Abilene Brodie good luck before greeting Catherine Mo, the convivial editor of House & Garden, which runs the awards. I then said hello to designer Treven Moodley and met landscaper Hannes Stander, who’s currently working on a Garden Route project.

The attentive waiter kindly ensured Masi and I were served our mains before the awards got under way (a melt-in-your-mouth Norwegian salmon fillet with cauliflower mash and edamame beans for me, and lamb chops accompanied by potatoes fondant with pumpkin puree and apricot chutney for the lensman).

My tablemate Dionne Shimidzu, of Rosebank’s chi-chi Hyde hotel, was ecstatic when their newish hidden restaurant, Nine Lives, was named Restaurant of the Year.

We only had time to find out that Lisa Rorich Architects had been named Architect of the Year before we had to slip out — though I did pick up a titbit from Steyn City Properties CEO Steven Louw that the nearby mansion of the late insurance baron who created the estate, Douw Steyn, will soon reopen as a function venue.

Steven, it also turns out, is good mates with financier Pierre Jacobs, husband to Joani Jacobs, whose book launch was my other diary date.

When we arrived at Hotel Sky Sandton, I was chuffed to learn Head Interiors had indeed won in its category. But there was no time to pop the champers because we were here to hear about Joani’s uplifting read Crowned in Confidence, which is peppered with words of wisdom from the glam entrepreneur who started modelling academy Ace Models at the age of 24 with a R10,000 loan from her dad.

Today, the business boasts more than 40 franchises across the continent and has its eyes firmly set on international expansion.

Cosmetics queen Cindy Nell is also a partner in the business, and you wouldn’t have guessed the former Miss South Africa had just stepped onto the tarmac at OR Tambo International just a short while previously, after a gruelling long-haul flight from Melbourne, where she now lives.

By the way, Cindy, if you’re planning on bringing out a book any time soon, Perfectly Poised would be an apt title.

Hani cried! He was with Mzwandile Vena, TT Matanzima and Derrick Mgwebi, his TDF [Transkei Defence Force] comrades, and Khotso Liphapang Matli, the MK guerrilla he had kept close contact with over the years.

He broke down and cried.

Vena says, “It was the first time I saw Comrade Chris cry! He was angry or heartbroken or both because the armed struggle was suspended without him being consulted. These were decisions taken by the leadership phaya eRhawutini — over there in Johannesburg — and he was not part of them. And yet he was the chief of staff of uMkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the ANC.”

Vena says the most painful thing to Hani, and to his fellow soldiers as well, was that he was learning of this for the first time on television. None of his comrades paid him the courtesy of talking with him about it before it was announced to the public. No-one thought he was worth being put in the loop.

“It was very frustrating to him,” says Vena. “What was he going to tell his soldiers? He had continued to send people for training. What was he going to say they had been training for?”

Limpho [Hani’s wife] was still based in Lesotho during this time, working in Maseru. Once a fortnight she would drive to Mthatha with the kids to see Chris. She happened to be in Mthatha on the day of the announcement of the suspension of the armed struggle. She says she had never seen her husband that livid. He was so angry that he cried and stammered when he tried to talk. It was only late in the afternoon that he was able to utter something.

“I have to be the messenger,” he said. “The cadres will be upset, but I must calm them down.”

It was to regain the moral high ground that Slovo suggested it was time the ANC suspended the armed struggle

Limpho says she never understood why her husband had to be exiled in the Transkei in the first place, why the ANC never lifted a finger when De Klerk withdrew his indemnity, why for the ANC it was just business as usual, and why they never even issued a statement condemning the withdrawal of indemnity. Instead, they facilitated his departure and tried to make what Limpho considered a second exile bearable — as if they welcomed his being at the periphery of decision-making in Johannesburg.

“The kids and I asked Chris these questions, but he never answered them,” says Limpho. “He just kept quiet. He was like that. He was too loyal to the ANC. He protected the ANC even when it was hurting him or working against his interests.”

Though the TDF soldiers had never seen Hani cry before, some of his MK soldiers had seen him cry. He was man enough to cry, as we saw in that instance narrated by Oyama Mabandla when his comrades from Lesotho arrived in Lusaka after that massacre and Hani was telling them how frustrated he was because Lusaka had become a difficult place. He complained that his comrades in the leadership seemed to have given up on fighting apartheid and had grown comfortable and fat in exile.

Hani wore his heart on his sleeve.

Even more than the decision itself, Mac Maharaj agrees that Hani’s main gripe was that he was not consulted at all. He wanted to know the reasons for the decision and for his being sidelined when it was made. He was in charge of MK operations. He was entitled to be consulted at the very least, and to have a say in the matter.

“Their excuse was that he was away in the Transkei,” says Maharaj. “They couldn’t communicate with him by phone because the enemy would hear.”

To me this is utter nonsense. The ANC and MK always found a way to communicate among cadres who were in distant cities in different countries whenever it was necessary. They were able to communicate with Hani from their headquarters in Lusaka when he was in Lesotho, many countries away. Sometimes they used human couriers in their communications among such diverse nations as the UK, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Swaziland, Botswana, Angola, Lesotho and South Africa itself. The distance between Johannesburg and Mthatha is 880km or 12 hours driving within legal speed limits, taking into account traffic, road conditions and necessary stops for rest or fuel. This was such an important matter it was worth the drive. Hani was blindsided. He was therefore correct to feel that he was being purposely sidelined to cut him off from his source of power — the military.

Matli says, “I was amongst those people guarding Chris in the Transkei. I remember, for instance, the morning the news broke that the ANC had suspended the armed struggle. Chris didn’t know anything, he was not consulted. But Chris did not say that to the media. Later that day we held a meeting in Mthatha where Chris said we could not publicly distance ourselves from the decision that had been taken by our leadership even if it was taken in his absence. However, in accepting the decision we must be tactical about it. Soon the reporters would be there wanting to know his position, he said. He was going to tell them that he aligned with the decision to suspend the armed struggle, but South Africa must understand that it was only a temporary decision … it was not forever."

Blindsiding him with the suspension of the armed struggle would bring him down from the moral high ground he had usurped as a result of unbanning the liberation movement and releasing the political prisoners

Maharaj outlined to me how the decision to suspend the armed struggle was reached. He says Joe Slovo, the MK chief of staff before Hani, was actually the one who proposed at the NEC [national executive council] meeting in July 1990 that the ANC should surprise the enemy by unilaterally suspending the armed struggle. Thabo Mbeki and Maharaj himself agreed with the suggestion.

He did not say this, but I surmise that the surprise element must have been the reason Hani was not consulted. Obviously Hani would have objected, and loudly too. It would have reached the media before the ANC negotiators presented their “surprise” to the National Party at their next meeting, and that would have upset the advantage of any concessions from the opposite side.

Oliver Tambo was already ill, so he was not at that meeting.

“FW de Klerk was riding the crest of the wave both in South Africa and internationally,” says Maharaj. “Blindsiding him with the suspension of the armed struggle would bring him down from the moral high ground he had usurped as a result of unbanning the liberation movement and releasing the political prisoners.”

It was to regain the moral high ground that Slovo suggested it was time the ANC suspended the armed struggle.

“The moment he said this, a whole lot of hands went up to oppose the proposal,” says Maharaj. “Madiba [Nelson Mandela’s clan-name] realised that there would be chaos. From the chair he said: ‘Hey, hold on, hold on, calm down, everybody. This is not a matter we can debate like this.’”

He proposed that during tea-break a group of comrades should draft a proposal, and named Joe Slovo, Thabo Mbeki, Ronnie Kasrils and Mac Maharaj as the drafters of the proposal.

“Madiba was shrewd,” says Maharaj. “He picked people, one who was seen as a dove, and others who were seen as hawks. These four were important people who commanded a lot of respect.”

The proposal was drafted.

“The proposal said we needed to push the regime into formal negotiations,” says Maharaj. “The regime was delaying the process. We needed to force the pace and to regain the moral high ground. So, as a surprise move we offered the suspension of the armed struggle.”

Maharaj claims the matter was put to Hani in the Transkei, including the viewpoints that were presented by NEC members on both sides of the issue. But Hani was focused on regrouping MK, using the shelter of the Transkei. This meant that only the suggestion of the suspension of the armed struggle was put to him, and the talking points of his comrades. Perhaps that was why he was having sleepless nights: he knew that his comrades were mulling over the matter in his absence.

The TDF soldiers guarding him insist he didn’t have an inkling the suspension of the armed struggle was on the agenda at all. Be that as it may, the man was aggrieved in any case.

I was annoyed. I was marooned in the Transkei when the decision to suspend the armed struggle was taken

Maharaj was arrested on July 25 for his Operation Vula underground work. Therefore, when the meeting between De Klerk’s government and the ANC took place on August 6, and the media announced the ANC had suspended the armed struggle, Maharaj was in jail.

It was those media reports that upset Hani so much.

Maharaj says there were rumours as a result that Hani and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela were so fed up that they were planning to form their own political party. But Maharaj stresses that he never heard with his own ears Hani or Mrs Mandela articulating a wish to form a party. The rumours were a manifestation of the hawks’ feeling of powerlessness, he added.

Hani himself expressed his feelings about the suspension of the armed struggle — especially about not being consulted before that decision was made.

“I want to be honest,” he said in an interview. “I was annoyed. I was marooned in the Transkei when the decision to suspend the armed struggle was taken. My indemnity had been withdrawn. I spent more than 27 years in MK. I spent that part of my life in an armed struggle against the regime. I was angry and bitter that this decision was taken without comprehensive consultation. That was my immediate gut feeling. I didn’t sleep when our delegation was locked with De Klerk negotiating. I was waiting for the outcome. And then there was that press conference early in the morning announcing the suspension of military activities …"

He went on to mention that he had seen comrades dying both inside the country and outside. He knew the names and the faces. He knew how these young people put aside everything in their lives to concentrate on the fight against white domination.

“I said to myself probably this was the right decision,” he continued, “but why was there no widespread consultation with those who were actually involved in the physical side of the armed struggle?”

Despite all his misgivings and his anger, Hani was a disciplined soldier and a disciplined member of the movement. He therefore undertook to understand that decision because it was a fait accompli. He would then explain to his soldiers that it was a necessary decision in order to maintain the momentum of negotiations.

“I was ready to be reined in to explain to other comrades, and that I did. In a movement as big as ours sometimes you’ve got to subject your own strong personal views and accept the views of the majority in the leadership.”

When journalists came, he redefined the ANC decision thus: “The suspension of the armed struggle merely means MK members will remain in their trenches waiting for orders from the ANC. Military training will intensify, and MK’s overall numbers will increase.”

• Chris Hani: A Life of Courage and Compassion by Zakes Mda is published by Penguin Random House South Africa

Story audio is generated using AI

Gender-based violence (GBV) has become a familiar prop for politicians facing a public outcry over this social disease, brought back into the spotlight recently with the discovery of the bodies of 11 murdered women in Ekurhuleni.

Politicians know the drill by now: express outrage and sympathy for the families, vow to track down and deal harshly with the perpetrators, and conclude by promising a raft of changes to prevent a repeat. And then silence, as things go back to normal.

Too often, little or nothing emerges from the noble sentiments, with grand promises falling by the wayside as the indignation subsides. Outrage gives way to apathy and plans gather dust — until the next uproar, when the pattern repeats itself.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s address to the nation this week followed this well-worn pattern, vowing impressive measures to tackle the scourge. New deadlines have been set and sweeping promises made, or warmed up from the last occasion.

A national case recovery operation has been ordered into unresolved murders, attempted murders and serious sexual offences involving women and children. The minister of police, the minister of justice, the SAPS and the National Prosecuting Authority have been given 60 days to compile an inventory of cases and 90 days to devise a plan to deal with priority cases. Forensic backlogs are to be tackled within 60 days, with urgent cases to be ring-fenced.

At local level, municipalities are to audit unsafe and dangerous places within their areas, identifying “broken streetlights, overgrown public spaces, abandoned buildings, unsafe transport routes and facilities, poorly secured parks and other conditions that place women at risk”. In other words, all things that have been neglected for the better part of three decades.

The notion that men have an inherent right to lord it over women, often under the guise of protection, has no place in a modern society committed to gender equality and the rule of law

Ramaphosa also ordered a crackdown on the abuse of liquor and enforcement of bylaws relating to the sale and consumption of alcohol. A mountain of undertakings, most of them describing the normal work of government, which will remain mere words.

To his credit, Ramaphosa acknowledged that policing and the law alone are not sufficient to make a dent in the horrific statistics. A change in cultural attitudes is needed to rid society of harmful social practices that encourage a culture of violence against women and view them as lesser beings whose destiny it is to be dominated by men. All these measures are to be welcomed and encouraged.

But as Ramaphosa himself pointed out, we are walking a well-worn path here. He mentioned that he had made a similar appeal to the men of South Africa seven years ago, without making much impact. And last year, when he declared GBV a national disaster, more promises were made.

At the battlefront in the so-called war against GBV, NGOs have to cope with dwindling resources, a male-dominated police force whose members are often eager to blame the woman, and a lack of government assistance and commitment to performing their duties.

Ramaphosa is correct in stating that the government alone cannot solve the problem, especially a government that spends tens of millions more safeguarding its own members than it does in the fight against GBV.

Social attitudes have to change, which is a task to be taken up in families, churches and schools. The notion that men have an inherent right to lord it over women, often under the guise of protection, has no place in a modern society committed to gender equality and the rule of law.

Instead of two international games across nine days in each of September and October, Fifa has this year combined the two international windows into one with four match days, making for an intense programme.

“This schedule is not good. Not for the national teams and not for the clubs that release their players and sometimes see them return injured,” Xavi told a press conference yesterday.

You also have training, travelling, recovering from matches and things like that. It’s very strange to schedule an international window like this at this stage of the season

Xavi Hernandez, Netherlands coach

The Dutch have 23 fit players for the Group A2 game against Serbia in Eindhoven today, with Brian Brobbey, Lutsharel Geertruida, Cody Gakpo and Jan Paul van Hecke all injured in their last three games and back at their clubs. “Scheduling such a packed calendar three months after the World Cup is asking for trouble,” Xavi said.

“You also have training, travelling, recovering from matches and things like that. It’s very strange to schedule an international window like this at this stage of the season.”

The Spaniard, who was appointed Netherlands coach in August, suggested that authorities review the situation.

“I’d rather see us play two internationals. That would be better for everyone. But as far as I know, it was decided a long time ago that we will also have a block of four matches at this stage next year,” he said.

Extra workload

The longer international window was always going to be a challenge for national team coaches, without any experience of how to handle the extra workload.

Germany’s new coach, Jurgen Klopp, called up 44 players in two separate squads, although the team’s results have been mixed.

England manager Thomas Tuchel said this week: “The shifts in training, work style, and play style between the national team and club inherently create certain risks. This format only heightens those risks rather than alleviating them.”

Spain’s World Cup-winning coach Luis de la Fuente aired his opinion last month: “I don’t like the new format; I prefer the old one. It gave you more rest. In my opinion, it took better care of the players’ health,” he said.

The next three international windows in November, March, and June will be the usual nine-day period with two match days, but Fifa has scheduled a combined September/October window of 16 days for the next four years, through to 2030.

Reuters

Jarvis — always a bundle of energy on a golf course — bounded around the humps and hollows of the famous Old Course yesterday, as he signed for a 65 to open up a two-stroke lead on 18 under par.

It was a wonderfully composed display of pure links golf from a golfer who has grown in stature following back-to-back DP World Tour victories at the beginning of the year and then tied sixth in The Open.

And it wouldn’t be a stretch to suggest that it would be a true golfing coming-of-age were he to lift this trophy on the hallowed fairways of the Old Course today. “It’s a dream to be leading a tournament going into a Sunday on the Old Course,” said Jarvis.

“I’m just looking forward to walking these fairways on Sunday in the lead. I think whatever happens, I’m just going to give it my all and have fun.”

We all feel pressure leading a final round, and I know the pressure will be there — it’s just about managing it

Casey Jarvis

He certainly looked to be having fun from the opening hole yesterday, as he holed out with his second on the par-four 10th to start with an eagle.

From there, he made three birdies in his next four holes and then added two more birdies on his second nine.

World-class golfer

But the true sign of how much he has matured into a world-class golfer was the way he managed a very tricky wind that had the potential to be his undoing. “I just felt like I was in total control today,” said Jarvis.

I normally struggle with the left-to-right wind off the tee, and I managed it really well and was really solid tee to green. And then, luckily, I rolled in a couple of good putts, so I’m very pleased,” he said.

In a year of memorable moments for Jarvis, he now has the chance to achieve something else today in becoming only the second South African to win this prestigious championship on its 25th anniversary, after Branden Grace in 2012.

“It would be unbelievable to join a player like Branden as a winner of this tournament, but whatever happens happens; I’m just going to try and have a good night and then come out and give it my all on the final day.

”We all feel pressure leading a final round, and I know the pressure will be there — it’s just about managing it. I know that winning earlier this year, though, will definitely help me.”

Story audio is generated using AI

Recently we discussed a situation involving a family whose children, assets and interests were spread across multiple jurisdictions. A move from South Africa to England, family ties in Dubai and property interests across Europe and Asia raised complex questions around residency, succession and trust structures.

It was the kind of issue that becomes visible when wealth is viewed as an interconnected international ecosystem rather than a collection of standalone relationships. This highlights the fundamental evolution in private banking: capital and execution have become commoditised, elevating judgment into the primary source of value.

For decades, a private bank’s value proposition was simple: moving money efficiently, structuring trusts and granting market access. Today, any major private bank operating in South Africa can execute a cross-border transfer or draft a trust deed within days. The true differentiation now lies in judgment, the ability to look across a family’s entire picture and identify unseen legal, tax, succession or reputational risks before they surface.

Judgment, if anything, is growing scarcer. It is built on experience and expertise; being part of a wider team with each team member bringing their own specialism to the table, and the private banker, as the family’s trusted adviser, being able to bring it all together. This matters more today than it did a decade ago, because the shape of South African wealth has changed. Families we work with are rarely contained within a single set of borders any longer.

This shift changes what private banks need to build. It is not enough to have a strong balance sheet and a competent regional office

A parent may still be resident in Westcliff, Constantia or Umhlanga, while their children are building careers and establishing tax residencies in London, Sydney or Dubai. Businesses have offshore holding structures, property portfolios span multiple countries, reputations are global rather than local — a controversy in one jurisdiction now travels instantly into every other market where the family has interests.

Against that backdrop, the term “trusted adviser” is often overused and rarely earned. Trust is not built through long tenure or social rapport. It is demonstrated when an adviser identifies a blind spot and is proven right: addressing not only the risk identified by the client but the one sitting quietly behind it that no-one has seen. An adviser who merely executes known requests functions as a transaction processor; one who anticipates complexities delivers genuine judgment.

This shift changes what private banks need to build. It is not enough to have a strong balance sheet and a competent regional office.

It requires experienced people embedded in the jurisdictions where clients’ lives unfold, not a correspondent relationship with a partner bank overseas but bankers in London, Dubai, Mumbai, Singapore and beyond who are part of one team, working from the same understanding of a family rather than a patchwork of local mandates.

It requires those bankers to talk to each other before a problem surfaces, not after, and it requires a willingness to bring in expertise the bank itself does not house — such as tax counsel, immigration specialists, reputation advisers — because no single institution has every answer, and pretending otherwise is itself a failure of judgment.

It also requires something harder to institutionalise: genuine curiosity about the family behind the numbers

It also requires something harder to institutionalise: genuine curiosity about the family behind the numbers. Wealth in South Africa is rarely inherited as a clean, rational asset. It arrives bundled with expectation, obligation, sibling dynamics and sometimes grief.

A family that built a business over 30 years does not think about succession the way a spreadsheet does. An adviser who treats every family as a standard set of variables to be optimised will eventually miss the thing that actually matters to that family. Who gets a say, what legacy means to them, which risks they are willing to live with and which would keep them up at night: essentially the family’s “wealth philosophy”.

Execution still matters; a bank that cannot move quickly and competently is of no use to anyone. But execution is now a prerequisite, not a differentiator. The institutions that will matter most to South Africa’s wealthiest families over the next decade will be the ones that treat every mandate as an invitation to understand a family more completely than the mandate itself requires.

The question, then, is not which bank can move your money fastest or structure your trust most efficiently. The question is which bank will notice the risk you have not yet thought to raise and have the judgment and the reach to do something about it before you have to ask.

That is the business private banking is becoming. The banks that recognise it early will be the ones families choose to keep.

• Prabhu is CEO at Barclays Private Bank, South Africa

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It is said a good ambassador knows that diplomacy is the “art of telling people to go to hell in such a way that they ask for directions”. But this Mampara seems not interested in being a good envoy for his country in South Africa.

Instead he risks being mistaken for a mascot, paraded around the country by individuals and groups hellbent on fanning racial divisions through falsehoods. That’s no job for an ambassador, especially one from a country as important and respected as the US.

For his country’s — and South Africa’s — sake, Leo Brent Bozell should go jump.

They want the officials who were tasked with interviewing mayoral candidates and ensuring they were added to the IEC list — led by President Cyril Ramaphosa and ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula — to explain their conduct in an independent forensic investigation into the entire list debacle and the party’s failure to submit councillor candidates in at least six municipalities.

This issue, according to several NWC figures, was raised in a heated meeting where members of the top party structure argued over the terms of reference of the forensic investigation the party has agreed to undertake to uncover what happened regarding the electoral list.

The NWC members say it cannot be a coincidence that all the mayoral candidates nominated by community members, and not through ANC ward structures, were the ones left off the list in the affected provinces.

The Sunday Times last month reported that at least 51 candidates interviewed as part of an intervention to claw back support were not added to the final list of candidates submitted to the IEC owing to an internal ANC administrative mistake. Some 23 of the 51 candidates were nominees for metropolitan municipalities.

The names include heavyweights such as:

• party veteran Frank Chikane, one of the ANC’s mayoral candidates for Johannesburg;
• Ntombi Mekgwe in Ekurhuleni; and
• Soviet Lekganyane in Polokwane.

The NWC members who spoke to the Sunday Times this week said the exclusion of these names reeked of a deliberate attempt to sabotage a “reform agenda” that sought to place the preferences of communities at the centre of mayoral candidate choices.

You can tell someone maybe does not believe in this reform, or that communities have a right to [choose their own candidates]

ANC NWC member

“We want to understand because we believe now it was not a coincidence,” said one NWC member. “At least we know now that Lungisa was removed, but we can’t accept that you say all the [other omissions] were an error. You have not said anything about Soviet [Lekganyane], but we know he’s not on the list. Who removed him? Who removed Nocawe [Mafu] in Buffalo [City]? Who removed Frank [Chikane]?

“Is it a coincidence that all the reform candidates nominated [didn’t make] the list?”

This source said party officials had been confronted over the issue, but no clear answers had been given. The member concluded that the list exclusions were possibly done deliberately and said the terms of reference for the forensic investigation had to be extended to include probing this issue.

“You can tell someone maybe does not believe in this reform, or that communities have a right to [choose their own candidates]. Someone [carried out the list exclusions on purpose], and that was our point. That’s why we wanted this independent investigation.

“So we must accept that the list deviates from the guidelines and that the list [also] deliberately deviates from the reform programme of the ANC. It’s by design. It’s not a coincidence — it can’t be.”

Another NWC source said the list exclusion issue had not come up sharply in the NWC meeting last week. However, they said it was concerning that the names were left off the list without an acceptable explanation.

Nevertheless, this source confirmed that NWC members had strenuously argued that the forensic investigation also had to probe why and how the officials made this mistake.

“We [said we] wanted an independent forensic investigation into the entire process. [We said we wanted an answer to] the question of how [the reform candidates] got left out, because we needed to know who gave the instruction that Frank [Chikane had to] be removed from the list when we know [he] was on the list. Who gave the instruction to remove the mayor from Engcobo, the mayor of Alfred Nzo, and so on?”

“If you have the forensic investigation they were proposing, which only looks at the Eastern Cape, then all of these other issues will remain unanswered. So that was the call. I wouldn’t separate it and say we were necessarily only rejecting the fact that they left out the candidates — we wanted the whole thing investigated [to find out] why those comrades were left out.”

According to the NWC members who spoke to the Sunday Times, they did not accept the explanation that an honest mistake had led to the candidates’ names being left off the list.

“We don’t accept it was a mistake, and that mistake has not been explained. Every person claims ignorance of how it happened,” said one party leader.

“I mean, there are allegations flying [about] that so-and-so gave an instruction to somebody in the province to remove, say, Frank [Chikane] from the list. I don’t want to go into names, because at this stage it is all just allegations, but now no-one is taking responsibility for that and saying, ‘Indeed, that’s what I did.’ So if there is anyone in the province who was told to remove Frank [Chikane], that person … must explain who gave them the instruction, and why.”

If you say [the problem lies with] the officials, then what about us as the NEC? Because when we adopted the list of names, did we not see that those people were not on the list? No-one stood up to say, ‘But those people are not there’

NWC member

Another NWC member said it was generally accepted that national officials blundered in failing to ensure the likes of Chikane were added to the list, as this was a task given solely to them.

“Indeed, I believe [the blame lies with] the officials who were supposed to do it, [who were supposed] to say that [the process had been completed]. The list was with them, [and they had to] insert the names as the officials. But they never sat [down and did] it,” the senior party leader said.

“The officials basically never finished [processing the] mayoral candidates. They didn’t do it. They never even sat [down] to say [in] interviews, ‘[These are] the top three candidates. They didn’t do that. [For] that, as officials, they must take the blame. [In that regard], I agree they were wrong.”

But this leader also defended the officials, saying they could not have made the mistake deliberately, to the detriment of the party.

The leader said the NWC and the national executive committee (NEC) were equally to blame, as they were the party structures tasked with adopting and ratifying the entire list of candidates.

They also failed to notice that these 51 mayoral candidates were missing from the final list submitted to the IEC, the leader argued.

“It was the officials who were supposed to include those names, of course, but the NWC also will have to be blamed because they also agreed. The NEC will also have to be blamed because they also agreed. The NEC were supposed to include those names, but the NEC did not do it.

“So if you say [the problem lies with] the officials, then what about us as the NEC? Because when we adopted the list of names, did we not see that those people were not on the list? No-one stood up to say, ‘But those people are not there.’

“They were supposed to say, ‘But, officials, where are these names?’ Because when we adopt a list of names, we must adopt everything, because you can’t change the list later on when the NEC is finished. You must change it and take it back to the NEC. So when the NEC sees there are names missing, it must change the list.

“To change the list and include people on it, the rule says you need 80% of the NEC. The officials can’t [make changes] on their own — they can only suggest [changes], and the NEC [can then adopt them]. But no-one in the NEC stood up to say, ‘But where are these people?’”

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It would seem KwaZulu-Natal provincial police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi is, to borrow a saying beloved by hip social media types, giving certain people a lot of chest pains. He’s touched them on their studios.

When Mkhwanazi held that kamikaze media conference on a quiet Sunday morning dressed like he was about to overthrow the government, many found it hard to believe his allegations about a criminal justice system — senior police officers, prosecutors, judges and even the minister — that had been taken over by the criminal underworld. How could that be?

Mkhwanazi’s conduct itself almost seemed the sort of recklessness that bordered on stupidity. Grey heads must have nodded and chortled, convinced that it was a matter of time before this whippersnapper ended up with egg on his face. Or worse.

One also suspects that the government, as is its wont, would probably have preferred to let sleeping dogs lie — but the public outcry made that impossible.

To procrastinate or remain passive in the face of such damning allegations would have shaken the foundations of a nascent GNU still finding its feet, treading warily on what was still uncharted territory. Taking disciplinary action against Mkhwanazi was out of the question. He was walking on water.

They would have been the monkeys at the beck and call of the real organ grinders, the crooks and murderers who’d be calling the shots from the shadows

More than a year later, Mkhwanazi is not only still standing, he’s standing even taller and towering over the casualties all around him. In our recent history, no-one has had as profound an impact on society and politics as he has. He’s upset the apple cart. Heroes have become villains, darlings turned into dimwits.

He’s not only been vindicated, but everybody who’s tried to take him on or land a punch has been eviscerated. That’s what’s so remarkable about the Mkhwanazi juggernaut — that those who’ve had their guns trained on him have not only missed, but have been utterly decimated. And it’s quite an illustrious list of the vanquished. Police minister Senzo Mchunu suspended, his presidential ambitions in tatters. He’s still drawing his fat salary, but it’s a matter of time. He’s a dead man walking. Then there’s Shadrack Sibiya, the suspended deputy national police commissioner, who would have been the top cop under a future Mchunu gangster government, in court on rape charges.

Al Capone, the notorious US mobster, was never charged for the serious crimes such as murder and racketeering that he committed but was finally done for tax evasion. Sibiya too, it would seem, will likely be felled by the least-expected crimes.

The recently fired deputy chief of crime intelligence Feroz Khan, whose every pore oozes millions of dubious rand, completes the triumvirate that would have formed the nucleus of the mafia state. And Andrea Johnson, disgraced former head of Idac — aka “You gorgeous” — was to be the midwife helping to give birth to the plan. They nearly pulled it off — simply arrest all those standing in the way on trumped-up charges, including national police commissioner Fannie Masemola, crime intelligence head Dumisani Khumalo and Mkhwanazi himself. And anybody else who poses a threat.

The plan was not even original. It was the ruse perfected by Khan to protect the nefarious interests of tobacco smugglers. Although the trio would have been in nominal charge of the state, they would have been the monkeys at the beck and call of the real organ grinders, the crooks and murderers who’d be calling the shots from the shadows.

The million-dollar question is whether a government led by President Cyril Ramaphosa will have the courage to slay the beast.

The Mkhwanazi expose, which gave birth to the Madlanga commission, has stopped these evil machinations in their tracks. Even the bit players, the extras in this sorry soap opera, haven’t been spared. It turns out that Brown Mogotsi, the fixer who was supposed to smooth Mchunu’s path to the presidency, can hardly negotiate his way out of a paper bag. He can’t even find lawyers smart enough to bail him out of jail.

But it’s the seeming connivance of senior police officers that must be driving the public around the bend. Former head of the Hawks Godfrey Lebeya, who once turned up at a media conference wearing his doctoral regalia, was lyrical before the commission in describing events that happened more than 10 years ago, but suddenly clammed up or professed amnesia when asked about alleged iniquities by his members that happened only a few years ago. He obviously knows more than he’s letting on.

But there’s no more pathetic a case than that of Julius Mkhwanazi, the dismissed deputy head of the Ekurhuleni metropolitan police. He’s in a real pickle. Just how many blows can one man take? And there’s a cast of non-government characters whose hallucinations Mchunu seemed overly keen to listen to. They’ve all bitten the dust.

Although Mkhwanazi’s allegations, along with the dramatic way he presented them, were initially greeted with suspicion and scepticism, everything he said has largely proved to be true. And more. There are even calls for the Madlanga commission to be made permanent, because some believe what has been exposed so far is only the tip of the iceberg. And the million-dollar question is whether a government led by President Cyril Ramaphosa will have the courage to slay the beast.

Now Mkhwanazi’s foes, apparently incensed by his vindication, are saying he must never be allowed to win, as if this was some kind of contest. We surely can, and should, all agree that the bad guys should be put away. Anyone involved in wrongdoing should have the book thrown at them.

It’s therefore not about which side wins or loses. It’s about how this country finally gets out of the hole that Mkhwanazi has alerted us to.

Story audio is generated using AI

Is our policing system broken?

Not completely.

It’s clearly not coping, is it?

There’s been a reduction in murders over the last two years.

In the course of just five days, 44 people have been murdered in four mass shootings.

Yes, it’s shocking. But every quarter we have a number of mass shootings, so it’s not a new phenomenon. What’s new is that there were two very large shootings in a short period of time in this instance.

About 197 people were killed in mass shootings from January to August.

It’s an absolutely shocking situation that’s been going on for too long. On average, we have 60 people murdered each day in this country.

But you say the policing system is not broken?

No, I don’t think it’s broken — it is simply far too big, complex and slow, and there are too many inefficiencies.

What is the minister doing about that?

We’ve developed and are implementing a police reset agenda. It looks at various elements of inefficiency in the system, starting with the way top management operates.

Don’t you have to start by getting rid of the top management, because clearly they’re not fit for purpose?

What we have, fortunately, is the Madlanga commission, which is helping us to identify those involved in working with organised crime syndicates. Unfortunately, some of those people are very effective police officers — but they’re corrupt, so you’ve got to get rid of them. We have the problem of good cops in terms of their knowledge and skills being corrupt. We’ve got the problem of some at the top who don’t have the necessary skills and experience to fulfil the tasks the posts they hold demand. And then we’ve also got excellent, honest men and women with the skills and necessary capabilities at the top.

But they’re being let down by the leadership, aren’t they?

By those who abuse positions of leadership and should not be there — yes.

Does the way people are identified for top positions need to be changed?

It is being changed, and selection processes are becoming more rigorous. We’ve made sure there are independent people on the relevant panels who are completely outside the police but are credible experts in executive management and other fields. This is happening as we speak.

Would you describe the crime situation in South Africa as anarchic?

Where you have people walking into taverns and killing 17 people? That situation is anarchic — yes.

Why are the police not infiltrating the criminal supply chains bringing AK-47s into the country?

It is happening, but just not on the scale it needs to.

Because of police collusion and corruption?

Yes. Until we completely get on top of police corruption, we’re going to continue having this problem.

How can a policing system not be broken when it is so rotten with corruption?

Parts of it are corrupt. I don’t think most police are involved in organised crime. Criminal syndicates target those police officers they think will be of benefit to them. That is being looked at in detail not only by Madlanga. A lot of internal investigations are going on.

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South Africa’s manufacturing debate is haunted by old machinery, closed factories, hollowed-out towns, and missed export opportunities. Yet the plants being built, refurbished or abandoned today will shape livelihoods long after the current downturn. The question is what this country should still be able to make in 2050.

The starting point is difficult, following years of decline. Absa’s manufacturing purchasing managers’ index fell to 45.8 in August, its lowest reading of the year. Electricity, freight and water reforms, including Operation Vulindlela, offer a route forward. Their success must ultimately be measured in reliable services, competitive costs and investment.

Company results reveal the pressure. PwC’s financial 2025 review of JSE-listed manufacturers recorded a 3.2% revenue decline despite a sharp recovery in net profit, while market capitalisation fell 13.6%. Cost discipline matters, but better earnings alone cannot establish a durable investment case.

Gas illustrates the challenge. Sasol’s planned methane-rich gas bridge from 2028 to 2030 offers breathing space as Mozambique supplies decline. It does not settle the long-term supply or affordability question. Meanwhile, AI and robotics are changing how factories compete, while carbon requirements increasingly influence access to export markets.

Across my career in manufacturing, I have seen how decisions made far from the factory floor determine its future. A plant can run efficiently and still become uncompetitive when its energy costs, customers or markets change.

The old industrial model must change. South Africa’s task is to decide which capabilities it cannot afford to lose, which it must build and how to finance the transition

Two uncertainties frame our possible futures: can South Africa build a dependable, competitive industrial system, and will global trade remain relatively open or fragment? These are scenarios for testing decisions, not predictions:

• Forge Africa: The upside case. By 2050, sustained reform has made power, freight and water reliable. African integration deepens within an open trading system, allowing competitive firms to scale. Specialised chemicals, mining equipment, food systems, green materials and industrial services expand through regional supply chains. Jobs and supplier networks grow around these capabilities. However, favourable conditions cannot rescue every asset: management must reinvest improved cash flow in businesses and build resilience for downturns.
• Shielded Workshop: Stronger domestic capability and a less open world. Tariffs, export controls and subsidy races make secure supply a national priority. Local chemicals, fertiliser, medicines and strategic materials gain importance, even where imports were previously cheaper. The danger is that protection preserves capacity while weakening incentives to improve. Public support should carry clear productivity targets and review dates. Investors must distinguish businesses building lasting competitiveness from those dependent on permanent subsidies.
• Industrial Archipelago: Strong companies surviving within a weak system. Global markets remain accessible, but domestic infrastructure repeatedly fails. Large firms and industrial zones secure their own power, water and logistics. Attractive businesses survive in these pockets, yet the cost of resilience falls on private balance sheets. Smaller suppliers struggle to keep up, narrowing participation and employment. The investment question becomes whether returns remain attractive after paying for services that a functioning economy would provide.
• Rust and Resilience: Domestic weakness and a fragmented global order. Infrastructure deteriorates and access to imported inputs and technology becomes harder. Legacy plants close or limp along. Repair, remanufacturing, recycling and distributed energy offer pockets of opportunity but cannot fully replace lost industrial capacity. Businesses prioritise survival, preserve scarce technical skills and favour investments they can adapt or expand gradually. The national cost extends beyond output: once skilled teams and supplier networks disperse, rebuilding them becomes much harder.

These futures demand different choices. Boards should test major investments against all four, identifying what would make each project unviable and which warning signs would trigger a change. Every asset needs a clear purpose: grow, modernise, convert, partner, retain for future use or exit.

Scenario planning earns its place when it changes where money goes.

There are also priorities worth pursuing across these futures: dependable infrastructure, technical skills, efficient use of energy and water, and stronger suppliers. The government must create conditions in which firms can invest. Boards must connect strategy to budgets, accountability and delivery. Investors must examine the assumptions behind projected returns.

By 2050, more industrial value may sit beyond the factory gate: in engineering, process knowledge, software, maintenance, automation and African distribution. South Africa should build these capabilities alongside competitive production. They can create opportunities for businesses whose strength lies in solving industrial problems, even without owning the largest plants.

The old industrial model must change. South Africa’s task is to decide which capabilities it cannot afford to lose, which it must build and how to finance the transition. That requires choices about assets, skills and partnerships now, with consequences that extend well beyond the next reporting period.

The decisions taken this decade will determine whether manufacturing in 2050 supports a broader, more prosperous economy or survives in isolated pockets. Waiting for certainty is itself a choice, and an expensive one.

The investment case to 2050 is not about saving every factory but about backing the industrial capabilities that can still pay in a harder world.

The question is no longer whether South Africa can save manufacturing as it was. It is what the country must still be able to make, operate, design, maintain and control in 2050, and whether it is willing to make those choices now, before the market makes them for us.

• Salman is independent non-executive director and founder of Isibani-CI, an advisory practice focused on African industrial value creation

Sharks right winger Edwill van der Merwe intercepted with two minutes to play to condemn Leinster to a second successive defeat in South Africa.

Leinster, as they did in losing to the Lions, scored after the hooter to secure a losing bonus point and three from a possible 10 league points in South Africa.

The Sharks, having trailed by seven points after 15 minutes, changed to 14-7 ahead. The visitors reduced the lead to two points with an unconverted try in the 50^th minute.

This prompted the introduction of Springboks Eben Etzebeth and Ox Nché, although it was Leinster who took the lead in the 65th minute through replacement Irish Test international flyhalf Sam Prendergast.

This ignited the home team, and Van der Merwe broke the Irish first line of defence before Etzebeth and Andrê Esterhuizen combined brilliantly on the counter for a seven-pointer to make it advantage Sharks, with 10 minutes to play.

Transformed unit

The Sharks’ scrum, boosted by Bok props Vincent Koch and Thomas du Toit, and the backs led by powerhouse centre Esterhuizen, are a transformed unit from that which stumbled through the United Rugby Championship (URC) last season.

Loose-forward Phepsi Buthelezi epitomised the growing belief of the Sharks. He was exceptional. These Sharks once again have attitude.

Leinster included 10 seasoned Irish internationals, including an all-Irish Test front row. And while still missing several frontline Test players, this was a proper Leinster line-up. Equally, this was about as strong as a 23 can get for the Sharks.

Very little separated the teams statistically on attack or in defence, and the Lions kicked 17 times to the visitors’ 13

It showed in the quality of the match.

At Ellis Park, the Lions finished with 48% possession and 41% territory and just 28% possession in the final 10 minutes against the Ospreys, but by that time the hosts had overturned a 12-10 half-time deficit into a 35-12 lead.

The Ospreys would score a consolation seven-pointer as the Lions won 35-19.

The Lions, the South African Conference winners last season, are two wins from two starts in the competition after they beat a youthful Leinster in the season’s opening round.

Lions more impactful

Very little separated the teams statistically on attack or in defence, and the Lions kicked 17 times to the visitors’ 13.

But this is a case of statistics not telling the human story, and, in this regard, individually and as a collective, the Lions were the more explosive and impactful in turning the tide of the match in the second half.

Lions left winger Erich Cronjé opened the scoring after a strong attack from SA U20 centre Ethan Adams.

This was the second Lions win in six meetings and a reversal of an historic 31-23 average scoreline favouring the Ospreys.

The Lions, in the past two seasons, have matured in their composure and decision-making.

Francke Horn, No 8 and captain, and veteran flyhalf Chris Smith have been central to this attitude, while returning Boks Mornê van den Berg (scrumhalf) and Quan Horn (fullback) were positive introductions in the final quarter.

Strong start to league

Cronjé, as a winger/centre has made a strong start to the league, and he will be a consideration when the Springboks tour Europe in November for the away leg of the Nations Championship.

Adams, a menace at the junior level, looked as powerful in his first senior start.

Smith’s inaccuracy from the kicking tee was out of character, but his all-round game was outstanding, and his attacking cross kicks brought try-scoring reward.

The Lions’ lineout maul and scrum were attacking weapons; they scored six tries, and Horn lead with authority. Right winger Kelly Mpeku got a brace.

The Stormers lineout imploded in Edinburgh as the hosts won 17-13. The Stormers have never won in Edinburgh, but they will reflect on a horror night in which they lost nine lineouts for a 57% success rate. This included a lineout throw to potentially win the match with the last play of the night.

The Stormers had the second most effective lineout in the league last season, averaging 93%.

He described the constitution as “a negotiated revolution of unique character”. Central to this was “the elevation of the constitution to the status of the supreme law of the land, with the concomitant substantial expansion of judicial power of constitutional review”.

Critical to that power of constitutional review was an elaborate description of the value of judicial independence.

Judicial independence as a legal and political concept is reactive in nature and origin. It exists only because the value it embodies has always been under threat. Throughout history, the popular press, political figures and indeed pamphleteers and essayists have been forthright in their assaults on court decisions. There is nothing wrong with that: Sachs J in The State vs Mamabolo said: “It is particularly important that, as the ultimate guardian of free speech, the judiciary show the greatest tolerance to criticism of its own functioning.”

However, the threats to judicial independence have evolved in nature and increased in intensity. At times of emergency and crisis, tensions between the executive branch on the one hand and the courts on the other are most amplified. From the events of 9/11 through to migration and Covid, the past quarter of a century has presented more than its fair share of global emergencies. Judges have found themselves adjudicating tense disputes in circumstances of heightened anxiety.

The nature of the attacks on the rule of law and on judicial independence in constitutional democracies, and the vectors through which they are delivered, feed off each other. Generally they derive from:

• direct attacks on the independence of the judiciary by governments;
• agitation against judges by populist political movements;
• increasingly aggressive and on occasion politically powerful individual litigants or groups of litigants;
• social media;
• the mainstream media;
• AI; and
• inadequacies in funding and institutional supports.

Each of these factors would, on its own, represent a significant challenge to the judiciary. But of particular concern is that they are all happening at the same time. We must devise strategies to meet them.

Social media ‘compresses the space between criticism and intimidation, and rewards heat rather than accuracy. It allows anonymous hostility to appear as public opinion’

Judge in the UK

Every definition and theory of the rule of law demands minimum standards for the fair and transparent resolution of civil and criminal disputes: chief justice Pius Langa, in President of the Republic of South Africa vs Modderklip, explained that the first aspect that flows from the rule of law is “the obligation of the state to provide the necessary mechanisms for citizens to resolve disputes that arise between them”. These, in turn, require that adjudication be undertaken by judges who are free from improper external pressures.

Four principles have developed under the general umbrella of judicial independence:

• security of tenure;
• financial security;
• the institutional independence of the judiciary; and
• the freedom of judges to perform their role without interference from the other branches of government.

These mandates are all reflected in the constitution. But it supplements them with some arresting, and important, innovations.

First, it contains an express injunction against interference with the functioning of the courts by any “person or organ of state”.

Second, it contains a critical affirmative obligation that judge Chris Jafta has called “the most important and fundamental duty imposed upon the state by the constitution ... Organs of state, through legislative and other measures, must assist and protect the courts to ensure [their] independence, impartiality, dignity, accessibility and effectiveness.”

Third, it regulates certain judicial appointments which, in Anglo-American jurisdictions, have traditionally been a matter for the executive.

Fourth, it establishes a Judicial Service Commission. Selection, appointment and disciplinary processes are afforded a crucial constitutional status.

But the real question is how these rules respond to real-world problems. The European experience is particularly telling, not merely as a warning, but because it demonstrates what courts can do when constitutional guarantees of judicial independence come under sustained pressure. In Hungary and Poland, judicial independence has been undermined by, for instance, changing the appointment processes for new judges. The changes prompted an English judge to observe: “The capture of the courts has begun, not with soldiers at the courtroom door, but with changes to the way judges were appointed, promoted, disciplined, retired or replaced.”

The systems of judicial appointment must operate in a way that engenders public confidence that only truly meritorious candidates are appointed to judicial positions

The European Network of Councils for the Judiciary reported in 2025 that 30% of the respondents to its survey of judges reported experiencing threats arising from their judicial work. Recent surveys of the South African judiciary disclose similar incidences of threats of physical attack on judges.

Social media, as one English judge crisply put it, “compresses the space between criticism and intimidation, and rewards heat rather than accuracy. It allows anonymous hostility to appear as public opinion.”

The solutions to many of these issues are obvious and some of them are expensive. But they are critical to the stability of the administration of justice, which is critical to the stability of our democracy.

The executive must provide courts with the resources they require to discharge their functions independently, effectively and securely. It must safeguard judges and court staff when they need protection. The state should institute and enforce regulatory measures that ensure that social media is not used to incite violence against or violate the privacy of judges or their families simply for doing their jobs. Laws of contempt of court must, while fully protective of free speech, be adequate to ensure that the judiciary can function in accordance with its constitutional mandate. Judges must have the power to control their courtrooms and must be able to guarantee their own safety and that of their staff.

When court orders are made, they must be enforced, and the executive must provide the means to ensure this. Politicians should exercise prudence when criticising judicial decisions. The systems of judicial appointment must operate in a way that engenders public confidence that only truly meritorious candidates are appointed to judicial positions.

The question is not simply whether judges are independent. It is whether the constitutional culture is strong enough to preserve judicial independence, to support its judges, when necessary, to accept their authority when their judgments are politically inconvenient, and to hold them properly accountable where they fall short of those standards.

This is an edited version of the Annual Kader Asmal Lecture, hosted by the Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution, which he delivered in Johannesburg recently. For a longer version please go to: www.casac.org.za

• Murray is a graduate of the law school at Trinity College, Dublin, and the University of Cambridge. He is a judge of the Irish Supreme Court.

While I was taking the interview from the ostensible subject of this weekly gustatory fest, I realised I needed to double date as it were and record the inspiring story Paul Siguqa shared while he introduced us to his fine wines and libations at a recent Wine & Executive Club dinner at Fairlawns.

He had just poured us a glass of Nomaroma, the flagship Cap Classique from Klein Goederust, his 10ha wine farm in Franschhoek, and the room was held in the kind of suspended silence you usually get in a much more reverential setting.

His story begins with his mother.

“Where I grew up, if you were born to farm labourers, it was expected that you were going to be a farm labourer, and that your children would become farm labourers, and their children would become farm labourers. My mother believed that narrative was not correct. Why is it that the destiny of the children of farm labourers is already predetermined? She believed freedom would come, and when that day came, those who had an education would have a seat at the table.

“My mother didn’t have a formal education, but she believed education was the one thing she could give her children. So come Christmas, I got books. It’s your birthday; you get a book. You did well at school; you get a book. She used to say that her sole purpose in this life was to get us away from the farm.”

Siguqa pauses. “The irony is, here we are.”

My relationship with wine was broadened by the complexity of winemaking ... Suddenly markets were opening for South Africa and we were competing internationally. From that moment I knew that one day I would like to own a farm

Paul Siguqa

Here is Klein Goederust, the Franschhoek farm Siguqa bought in 2019 after saving for 15 years, making it the valley’s first 100% black-owned wine farm.

His relationship with wine began in the farm labourers’ cottages his mother wanted him to escape.

“Growing up in the cottages of farm labourers, we had what was called the ‘dop system’. Farm labourers were paid very low wages, and part of the remuneration was wine. It wasn’t the kind of stuff you are tasting here today. It was the stuff that wasn’t going to make it to market. Imagine you have 50 families and you give every family five litres of wine on a Friday. You have chaos. You have abuse and, worst of all, foetal alcohol syndrome.”

Wine began to look different when, at 16, Siguqa worked at Backsberg Wines to help fund his education.

“I started in the cellar and later became a wine ambassador. My relationship with wine was broadened by the complexity of winemaking. There were talks about terroir, about soil and climate. There were cultivars. Suddenly markets were opening for South Africa and we were competing internationally.

“From that moment I knew that one day I would like to own a farm.”

So he saved.

“Some of the people closest to me said, ‘Why don’t you just buy taxis? Open a supermarket? Why this wine thing when there is nobody else doing it?’

“The rejection from banks was outright. They said it wouldn’t work. Development agencies said it wouldn’t work. The government said it wouldn’t work. We got rejected left, right and centre.”

Siguqa bought a dilapidated farm, removed the vines and started again.

“We were very clear that we were going to make small batches of high-end wines. Good wine is made on the land and not in the cellar.”

His winemaker, Rodney Zimba, grew up alongside him at Backsberg. Their parents worked together. And that brings us back to the glass in my hand.

“The bubbles you tasted are called Nomaroma. That’s my mother’s name. It is our flagship. My mother worked for 37 years making these exact bubbles. She knew everything about bubbles. She even knew when and how the pruning should happen in the chardonnay and pinot noir blocks. But she never got recognition for it.”

It was this terribly sad legacy he wanted to overturn. “The accolades never go to the person pruning in winter in the Western Cape on those beautiful farms. Nobody talks about the farm labourer harvesting in the heat of December, January and February.”

The rewriting of history at Klein Goederust extends beyond wine. When Siguqa bought the farm, elderly farm workers were still living there.

“Part of the deal was that everybody who was there would be given a house with their own title deed. My happiest day was seeing everybody walk away with title deeds to their own homes.

The narrative we hope to achieve with Klein Goederust is to say that it is possible ... Where you are born, who you are born to, or the colour of your skin shouldn’t predetermine where you end

Paul Siguqa

“My experience of farms had not been very positive, and we cannot perpetuate that history.”

Ownership remains at the heart of his philosophy.

“The biggest barriers for black people in wine are access to land and access to capital. How do you make a wine farm profitable? Manage your costs, but most importantly, own the means of production.

“You need to own the land. You need to own every vine that you plant. After harvesting, you need to process your own product. Then the last part is access to market. You need to sell it.”

Today Klein Goederust has around 30,000 vines and its own production facilities. Yet for Siguqa the significance of the farm stretches far beyond what comes out of a bottle.

“The narrative we hope to achieve with Klein Goederust is to say that it is possible.

“If the child of a farm labourer can become a farm owner, then the child of the janitor, the child of the gardener, the child of the domestic worker, that child must become an astronaut.

“Where you are born, who you are born to, or the colour of your skin shouldn’t predetermine where you end.”

Pinto, whose disclosures helped trigger scrutiny of Manchester City’s finances, entered Portugal’s witness protection programme in 2020 after agreeing to co-operate with authorities and provide files obtained through the Football Leaks operation.

City were found guilty of all charges relating to breaches of Premier League financial regulations over nine seasons from 2009-10 to 2017-18, as well as three of four charges concerning failures to co-operate with the investigation.

The league said this week City had used “sham” commercial contracts to inflate revenue and understate costs by more than £900m (R19bn) over nearly a decade, resulting in inaccurate financial reporting and breaches of spending rules.

In a few days, without being heard beforehand, as required by law, he would lose the protected, confidential residence assigned to him and be forced to find new housing urgently, with no guarantee that police protection will continue

Legal team

City have denied wrongdoing and have appealed the verdict.

“In a few days, without being heard beforehand, as required by law, he would lose the protected, confidential residence assigned to him and be forced to find new housing urgently, with no guarantee that police protection will continue,” Pinto’s legal team said in a statement posted on his X account.

Assaulted in Lisbon

“His situation is now critical. The threats against him are not merely theoretical; he was assaulted in Lisbon last April.”

Launched in 2015, Football Leaks published millions of confidential documents from the football industry, including transfer agreements, contracts and other deals involving clubs, players and agents.

Football Leaks’ data seen by Reuters showed how some of the richest and most prominent figures in soccer avoided tax by channelling earnings offshore.

Pinto was arrested in Hungary in 2019 before being extradited to Portugal, where he later co-operated with authorities and was placed under witness protection.

If abruptly deprived of his protected housing and plunged into a state of extreme precariousness, Rui Pinto would be more vulnerable now than at any time since 2020

His lawyers said the programme would end on Saturday October 10 and argued that the decision had left him at heightened risk, noting that legal proceedings stemming from the leaks remained ongoing, including the recent Manchester City case.

“If abruptly deprived of his protected housing and plunged into a state of extreme precariousness, Rui Pinto would be more vulnerable now than at any time since 2020,” the statement said.

Portugal’s justice ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Landmark ruling

The UK’s Liberal Democrats have urged Prime Minister Andy Burnham to disclose any meetings he has held with Manchester City owners, Abu Dhabi representatives or related entities, stepping up criticism of his comments following the landmark ruling against the club.

Burnham, who served as mayor of Greater Manchester from May 2017 to June 2026, had earlier this week expressed concern about City’s owners potentially selling the club, saying they had been “a huge partner in the building of modern Manchester” and “in turning the club into a global force”.

Burnham’s comments drew heavy criticism from opposition politicians.

“Football fans up and down the country deserve to know that the rules apply to everyone, however rich and powerful they are,” Anna Sabine, the party’s spokesperson for culture, media and sport, told Burnham in a letter.

“When the prime minister leaps to the defence of a club’s owners within hours of a verdict, people are entitled to ask what their relationship is. Andy Burnham must come clean and publish details of every meeting and conversation he has had with City Football Group, Abu Dhabi United Group or UAE government representatives, going back to his time as mayor — and that includes any hospitality freebies received.”

Reuters

Story audio is generated using AI

South Africa’s gender-based violence (GBV) crisis is not only a criminal justice emergency; it’s a test of national leadership.

The first national GBV survey, conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, found that one in three women aged 18 or older had experienced physical violence in their lifetime. In the final three months of 2024 alone, more than 11,800 rapes were recorded — about 128 a day — according to the Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Response Fund’s 2024/25 annual report.

These figures are horrifying, but statistics must not replace action. Thirteen women’s bodies have been found in Gauteng over the past three months, and others in KwaZulu-Natal and nationally. The crisis persists because warnings are ignored, institutions fail to co-ordinate, and accountability dissolves after each statement of outrage.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s address this week on gender-based violence and femicide must be judged against this record of ignored warnings and dissolved accountability. The address was not merely insufficient; it exposed the exhausted ritual through which government now performs concern without accepting culpability.

Leadership begins where sympathy ends — with responsibility that can be measured and failure that carries consequences

After seven years of acknowledged failure, another review of stalled cases, another deadline on forensic backlogs and another round of municipal safety audits cannot be presented as leadership. These are basic duties the state should already have discharged.

The address named no office bearer responsible for past failure, offered no credible enforcement mechanism, and did not explain what consequences would follow when the new directives were ignored. By leaving institutional responsibility undefined, it shifted attention from the state’s obligations to the moral conduct of individual citizens.

That displacement was most evident in the appeal to “good men”, which shifted the centre of gravity from state accountability to private morality, as though femicide persists because decent citizens have not spoken loudly enough rather than because institutions repeatedly abandon women. The appeal thus became compassion as political theatre: solemn words masking a government reluctant to attach names, budgets, deadlines and sanctions to its promises.

Leadership begins where sympathy ends — with responsibility that can be measured and failure that carries consequences.

The cost of that displacement is clearest in the warnings that precede femicide. Coercion, threats and abuse often escalate before violence becomes fatal, and victims may alert relatives, friends or the police. These are not private warnings; they are opportunities for public institutions to intervene. When they do not trigger protection, investigation and consequences, the failure is not a lack of information. It is a failure to turn knowledge into co-ordinated action.

Closing that gap between warning and intervention makes effective policing indispensable, but policing cannot rest on slogans or periodic operations. A victim-centred police service must respond promptly, recognise escalating abuse, protect survivors and investigate thoroughly. Prosecutors, courts, health services and communities must form an unbroken chain of responsibility in which no warning, docket or protection request disappears.

But even an unbroken criminal justice chain addresses violence only after social permission for it has taken root. Policing alone cannot repair a society in which violence against women is concealed, excused or normalised. When public authority evades responsibility, private domination gains social permission.

Civic breakdown does not stop at the household door. Political assassinations, intimidation and the maiming of civilians reveal in public life the same disorder that coercion, assault and femicide reveal in private life. Both flourish when power is detached from service and accountability. An elite that treats office as an enterprise of accumulation teaches society that authority is an entitlement to possess, command and punish.

A country serious about GBV must organise people into work, service, learning, local reconstruction and democratic authorship, while directly challenging the patriarchal norms that turn frustration into violence against women

Yet domination survives not only through open force; it also survives through disguise. Perpetrators rarely present themselves truthfully. Many wear masks of compassion, speaking the language of love, protection, provision, religious virtue or political service to secure trust and silence. In public they appear attentive and generous; in private, care becomes surveillance, protection becomes possession and generosity becomes indebtedness. Families, congregations, parties and workplaces then defend reputation over testimony.

The coming elections will test whether democratic institutions can give legitimate anger an ethical and constructive architecture. A country serious about GBV must organise people into work, service, learning, local reconstruction and democratic authorship, while directly challenging the patriarchal norms that turn frustration into violence against women.

This is the leadership for which the GBV crisis is searching: authority made answerable through named duties and enforceable consequences. A station commander must answer for a neglected complaint, an investigator for a mishandled docket, a prosecutor for avoidable delay, a minister for inadequate capacity and a mayor for unsafe public spaces and broken referral systems.

Parties, workplaces, congregations and communities must likewise refuse to shelter perpetrators behind status or staged compassion.

South Africa does not lack declarations against GBV; it lacks leaders willing to make responsibility visible and failure consequential. Until that changes, masked perpetrators will keep occupying the space where moral authority should stand.

• Mathebula is a public policy analyst, academic, strategist, and the founder of The Thinc Foundation

First up, the fiction prize, where “the winner should be a novel of rare imagination and style, evocative, textured and a tale so compelling as to become an enduring landmark of contemporary fiction”.

Craig Higginson, chair of the judging panel, says: “South African literary fiction continues to thrive and this year’s five shortlisted novels are a wonderful example of the innovation and experimentation that is currently happening — regarding literary form as much as content.”

The five shortlisted novels are:

• The Nicotine Gospel by Sven Axelrad (Umuzi);
• Song of the Slave Girl by Ashraf Kagee (Jacana Media);
• The Fragile Mental Health of Strong Women by Michelle Kekana (Jacana Media);
• Buried in the Chest by Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani (Jacana Media); and
• The Immortalites by Claire Robertson (Umuzi).

A good story, no matter how sad, never ceases to be told and can literally travel a distance

Shylock Matsunyane, chair of judges

In the nonfiction category, chair of the judges Shylock Matsunyane says: “A good story, no matter how sad, never ceases to be told and can literally travel a distance.

“The shortlisted titles this year, with their porous truthfulness and delicacy, made our decision both challenging and intriguing. As a reader, you feel the need to be the one telling the story and travelling along.”

The non-fiction titles that made the shortlist are:

• The Smallest Ones: Two Sisters’ Escape from DRC Rebels and Their Pursuit of Freedom by Popina Khumanda (Penguin Nonfiction);
• Blood’s Inner Rhyme: An Autobiographical Novel by Antjie Krog (Penguin Books);
• How to Build a House in the Mountains by Roger Lucey (Karavan Press);
• The Shadow State: Why Babita Deokaran Had to Die by Jeff Wicks (Tafelberg Publishers); and
• The Chaos Precinct: Johannesburg as a Port City by Tanya Zack (Jacana Media).

Story audio is generated using AI

Trade serves as the backbone of global economic growth. When the domestic and cross-border movement of goods stagnates, national GDP invariably stalls.

In today’s interconnected marketplace, end-to-end efficiency and speed-of-trade execution have emerged as critical competitive differentiators. Consequently, businesses, financial institutions, logistics providers and regulatory bodies are aggressively deploying a sophisticated suite of technologies. These include application programming interfaces, AI, blockchain, the internet of things and advanced robotics.

Together these tools are:

• accelerating supply chains;
• reducing operational costs;
• reinforcing security; and
• streamlining cross-border regulatory compliance.

This systematic migration away from traditional, siloed, paper-based processes demonstrates that the trade fraternity is moving decisively past basic digitisation and toward global, standardised execution.

Central to this transformation are new mandates from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), which require that address data for letters of credit, standby letters of credit, guarantees, documentary collections, and open account trade payments be strictly structured and standardised.

While this data restructuring may seem administrative, its implications are profound. According to Trade Finance Global, accurate address data is foundational to trade compliance, anchoring know your customer (KYC) protocols, anti-money laundering (AML) checks and sanctions screening, alongside the physical printing and delivery of global documentation.

Standard Bank recently developed an AI tool that performs legal checks on SWIFT-based guarantees in minutes, highlighting the immense operational leaps available when data is clean and machine-readable

By standardising address fields on legacy message types, SWIFT aims to eliminate screening chaos and false positives, making true straight-through processing, where there is no human intervention, attainable. Furthermore, SWIFT aims for structured trade finance messages to eventually flow seamlessly into the broader ISO 20022 payment format during the final settlement stages.

This optimisation of address data directly aligns with a broader, fundamental shift toward the full digitisation of trade documentation.

Historically, the journey toward fully digital trade has been hindered by fragmented legal frameworks regarding electronic records. However, momentum is shifting. In 2017, the UN Commission on International Trade Law published the model law on electronic transferable records, a landmark legislative framework that grants digital documents the exact same legal validity as physical paper.

The model law serves as a critical catalyst for electronic transferable records, which function as the digital equivalents of traditional instruments such as bills of lading, bills of exchange, promissory notes, warehouse receipts and insurance certificates.

The impact is expanding rapidly; the International Chamber of Commerce digital standards initiative reports that about 61.5% of global exports now originate from economies aligned with or committed to the framework. According to the UN commission, 13 sovereign states and key financial jurisdictions have officially enacted legislation based directly on the model law.

For importers and exporters, these converging industry advancements carry significant practical implications.

First, the trade finance sector will continue to rely on legacy SWIFT message types rather than transitioning fully to the ISO 20022 standard for the foreseeable future. Businesses will, however, be required to capture highly specific, structured address data on trade finance transactions starting in 2027, with the industry currently awaiting the definitive enforcement date from SWIFT.

This interim update serves as a vital data-cleansing mechanism to eliminate “dirty data”, ensuring an unhindered future transition to ISO standards while keeping current SWIFT infrastructure functional.

Real transformation occurs when trade data is digitised at the corporate source, within enterprise resource planning systems, rather than being manually repaired or translated at the intermediary bank level

Second, structured data enables financial institutions to execute transactions with unprecedented velocity.

When data fields are uniform, compliance technologies can run AML, KYC and sanctions screening instantly to achieve seamless straight-through processing. Standard Bank recently demonstrated this capability by developing an AI tool that performs legal checks on SWIFT-based guarantees in minutes, highlighting the immense operational leaps available when data is clean and machine-readable.

These shifts underscore a clear call to action for the banking sector. As financial institutions, we must proactively educate clients and the broader trade ecosystem on these impending data requirements.

Beyond compliance, banks must actively partner with governments and regulatory bodies to advocate for the legal recognition of electronic transferable records. By driving policy changes that embrace the model law on electronic transfers, financial institutions can help eliminate systemic friction, accelerate the movement of documentation and expedite the physical flow of goods, thereby driving the exponential growth of economies.

Nonetheless, true innovation requires looking beyond legacy system upgrades. Real transformation occurs when trade data is digitised at the corporate source, within enterprise resource planning systems, rather than being manually repaired or translated at the intermediary bank level.

As financial institutions update internal infrastructure to accommodate the SWIFT changes, the strategic focus must remain on building innovative, seamless, end-to-end digital pathways that fully digitise trade finance transactions and their supporting documentation across the entire industry.

The future of trade belongs to the frictionless and the interconnected; the steps the industry takes today will dictate its competitive standing for decades to come.

Standardising a line of address data or digitising a bill of lading is about far more than operational efficiency. It is about removing the invisible friction that throttles global commerce. By building an ecosystem in which clean data and legal frameworks align perfectly, the financial sector will not just be modernising its systems; it will be unlocking the next era of global economic growth.

• Mtshali is executive head of trade product, Standard Bank Corporate & Investment Banking

That’s because the paper for the people — the Sunday Times — was first to reveal on June 7 how the reported extortion operated in a front-page story titled “Inside Sibanyoni ‘extortion racket’” written by Thanduxolo Jika and Sabelo Skiti, our investigations tsars.

In that piece, which you can read here for free, we lifted the veil on this R2.2m “protection fee” squeezed from Thomas Ntuli, a mining executive whose company had received a contract to supply aggregate stones in Sanral’s R3.7bn construction of Moloto Road. The payment records seen by the Sunday Times and reported on at the time were flighted by the Madlanga commission this week.

It must have created a surreal feeling of déjà vu for our subscribers. We like it that way. This is what we mean when we say subscribing to the Sunday Times and TimesLIVE is like having a front row seat in a theatre showcasing the unfolding story of our nation.

The only new twist this week was seeing Sibanyoni tongue-tied in his explanation of why Ntuli paid him and others the R2.2m. He described it as a partnership in terms of which Ntuli needed “30% local content” to get the tender, without which he’d have nothing from Sanral. He could not prove this. No documentation existed to support this. In June the Sunday Times brought you the WhatsApps that showed Ntuli was fearful and turned to the police because he did not want to pay for the so-called 30% local content, which Sanral knew nothing about.

But what’s important to us at the Sunday Times is that we are able to say, with pride but also a great deal of humility, that you read it first on our platforms. We were able to bring you this exclusive with great thanks to our thousands of subscribers and advertisers. This is just one of many examples of how great journalism puts you in that front-row seat.

We consistently break boundaries to bring our subscribers the finest in investigative journalism in addition to well-researched opinions, groundbreaking sport, business and lifestyle

You would have seen a warrant of arrest being issued against former defence minister and speaker of parliament Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, who was a no-show in her trial in the Pretoria high court. She had, on several occasions, indicated she was unwell and fatigued after days of cross-examination.

For those who subscribe to the Sunday Times, the information wearing down Mapisa-Nqakula and forcing unscheduled temporary halts to her trial wasn’t quite the news it was billed to be.

That’s because our subscribers were the first to get it when the Sunday Times broke the story on Sunday March 3 2024. We told our subscribers then of the weaves and the wigs, of the cash deliveries, of the fallout between the former minister and defence contractor Nombasa Ntsondwa-Ndhlovu. You can read that initial piece by Skiti here.

Recently, the Sunday Times brought you exclusive details, including WhatsApp messages, linking popular DJs, the much-talked-about case of cocaine stolen from police storage in KwaZulu-Natal and Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala in a story that forced the authorities to express discomfort through a midnight statement at the level of our access.

For the first time, we linked Seunkie “DJ Vettys” Mokubung and Oupa “DJ Sumbody” Sefoka to underground gang boss Ralph Stanfield, taxi bosses Sibanyoni and Jotham “King Mswazi” Msibi, Matlala and other members of the big money stokvel called “Money Talks”. You may read these front-page pieces that have become even more relevant today here and here.

The Sunday Times was also the first to bring you details of how deputy national police commissioner Lt-Gen Sindile “Pitso” Mfazi was murdered, how his cold-blooded killing was classified as Covid-related to avoid investigations, and how his diaries, which we had access to, turned everything on its head six years later. We open this detailed story here.

Your subscriptions matter not just for the sustainability of the Sunday Times but for the health of our democracy

We consistently break boundaries to bring our subscribers the finest in investigative journalism in addition to well-researched opinions, groundbreaking sport, business and lifestyle.

The kind of journalism we do comes not only with a great deal of risk; it is also expensive and requires teams with different skills — including photojournalists, videographers, graphic artists and specialist editors. We do it because, well, we love it, but, importantly, we have a duty to our democracy.

It is our responsibility to shine a spotlight on malfeasance — whether it involves Sibanyoni, Matlala, Sibiya, corrupt Free State officials or businessmen. It is our duty, too, to report, as we have done, when Transnet turns a corner toward self-sustainability and Eskom, under CEO Dan Marokane and board chair Mteto Nyati, starts making a profit after years of incompetence and aimless drift under André de Ruyter.

Your subscription and Sunday purchases of the hard copy of the Sunday Times make all the great work possible. It matters. It ensures we are able, daily, to send out an army of reporters to establish facts in a world suffused with misinformation, to investigate in a world clamouring for secrecy, to analyse a complex world always in a state of flux. It is our duty to ensure information integrity. All of this in pursuit of the public interest. It is the best way — through accountability and transparency — to show loyalty to our flag, our country. Your subscriptions matter not just for the sustainability of the Sunday Times but for the health of our democracy.

Otherwise, people like Sibanyoni would continue to be well-ensconced in their homes at Centurion Golf Estate on the back of — among other things — cash deposits from people like Ntuli. Injustice by any other name is still injustice.

Getting to the truth is not an inexpensive exercise. Our work is impactful and goes to the heart of our democracy. Be part of the growing number of those who are first to get exclusives from the country’s favourite Sunday read, if you aren’t already. If you are, thank you for journeying with us.

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Death is already way too serious, without the melodrama on display at black people’s funerals.

Allow me to issue a disclaimer for that sweeping statement. Apartheid is enjoying an unprecedented wave of nostalgic appreciation among Homo sapiens blacksouthafricanus. It is nearly impossible to wade through the cesspool that the internet has become without one black South African or another extolling the virtues of aparte ontwikkeling or separate development (“at least there was law and order during apartheid”). DF Malan must be beaming with posthumous pride from whichever afterlife place he ended up.

When we’re done with the Madlanga commission, the president needs to set up a national indaba on black funerals as a matter of urgency. Things are getting out of hand there by Buryville in our townships and villages. It is bad enough that a significant portion of our population seems to have no weekend pastimes that don’t involve several hours in stuffy, black formal clothing inside poorly ventilated community halls or marquees.

A few years ago I started noticing that each time I asked one of my friends what he was up to over any given weekend, his answer was almost inevitably that he was attending a funeral. Concerned, I asked if he had an unusually large family scattered across KwaZulu-Natal, with a high fatality rate. In the exchange that followed it emerged that he didn’t know at least 80% of the people he was burying every weekend.

I had to conclude that he was attending funerals compulsively, the way some people try out a different golf course every weekend. The difference, of course, being that instead of sinking balls into cup-size holes, he was watching coffins going into somewhat bigger cavities.

For anyone not from either the Kingdom of the Zulu or the Eastern Cape, my observation may seem a tad extreme. To those people, all I can offer is: “Oh ye of poor orientation to the funeral culture in these provinces.”

Proceedings are deliberately dragged out until at least a dozen diabetics have keeled over from low blood sugar and general exhaustion

You see, in the rest of South Africa, if you run into someone at the mall at 9.30am and they are clad in funeral attire, you ask which funeral they have just come from. If you meet a similarly attired person at Gateway in Umhlanga, the question is, which funeral they are headed to. In Shakaland our funerals start at about 11am and last deep into the afternoon, 4pm-ish. Your staying power and dedication to the internment ceremony are tested to the limit.

If the deceased is umnumzane (a married male) the delay in the ceremony is by design. There is this notion with dubious “cultural origins” that the remains of an umnumzane cannot be lowered into the ground until people’s “shadows are long”. To ensure this, proceedings are deliberately dragged out until at least a dozen diabetics have keeled over from low blood sugar and general exhaustion.

Speeches will be delivered by everyone from the immediate family (including poorly written “poetry” from the grandchildren) to friends from church, friends from his stokvel, neighbours from the seven different places he has lived, colleagues from all the workplaces he’s been and even some isicathamiya group from his favourite hole.

One of many theories is that there is a correlation between the length of speeches at funerals and how close the next election is. Between now and November 4, I estimate that funerals in hotly contested wards will increase on average by about two hours and 14 minutes. I have attended two funerals this year, and at both there was a human hollow drum who spoke for almost an hour without saying anything relevantg to the deceased. I found myself wondering if politicians are wandering the streets searching for random funerals to crash and put unsuspecting communities to slumber.

If the powers that be heed my call for a summit on black funerals, I know exactly what my submissions will be. And no, it’s not what you would expect. I will not question black people’s unreflected insistence on Victorian black garb. I will not have anything to say about obscene amounts spent on the shiny boxes we stick into the ground, leaving families tens of thousands of rand in debt.

My submission will be guided by the wisdom of a boss from the Netherlands I worked under during my former life in the corporate world. He insisted that at any meeting, everyone present had to remain standing. I predict that if a law is passed prohibiting chairs at funerals, these events will last no longer than an hour or two at the most.

Story audio is generated using AI

As campaigning for the local government election heats up, voters are being bombarded with promises from political parties. Each promises to ensure that municipalities work for everyone. Voters will want to vote for the councillor who ensures that streetlights work, water is delivered, refuse is collected and potholes are fixed.

Essentially the law gives powers to municipalities to either insource or outsource these services. In their manifestos, parties make a case for each of these options. How will voters know which is best? Beyond the provision of these basic services, the constitution grants municipalities a wide range of other duties ranging from road maintenance and cemetery operations to firefighting services, stormwater management and regulation of street trading.

These duties make municipalities responsible for planning and maintenance, safety, cleanliness and good order in towns across South Africa. Importantly, each of these responsibilities requires funding, which is why a municipality’s own revenue and equitable share from the national government are a crucial foundation.

Municipalities receive income through their own revenue such as property rates, tariffs for municipal services and revenue from the sale of electricity. In addition, they are entitled to transfer of funds from the national government. This includes the equitable share grant, infrastructure grants and conditional, ringfenced grants for specific purposes. Municipalities are entitled to borrow in the money markets and the big metros receive a portion of the nationally collected fuel levy.

Crucially, the manner in which these services are delivered is entirely up to the municipality, guided by section 78 of the Municipal Systems Act. Services can be delivered directly by the municipality through its own departments or can be outsourced to municipal entities, other municipalities, organs of state, licensed service providers, traditional authorities, community-based organisations or any institution or person legally competent to deliver required services.

According to their manifestos, the ANC, EFF and SACP want to bring outsourced municipal work back in-house. The ANC argues in its manifesto for “remunicipalisation”. Every outsourced core service such as cleaning, security, waste collection, meter reading, water tankers and ground maintenance must be reviewed within two years. Where it governs, the EFF promises to employ municipal workers directly within 24 months to reduce dependence on labour brokers and tenders for key municipal functions.

No party has done these assessments, since political parties are not municipal councils

The SACP undertakes to ensure insourcing is “the new normal”.

On the other hand, the DA will bring in external providers where a municipality fails. A DA-led municipality will use public-private partnerships for water, electricity and waste removal services, and will outsource municipal repairs and maintenance. The FF+ takes a similar approach, suggesting that when municipalities lack capacity, communities and the private sector should be empowered to contribute.

Insourcing essentially moves costs from contracts to the permanent municipal wage bill. The effect on the municipal budget in the next five years is not clear, given each municipality’s fiscal capacity. Similarly, the proposed roping in of the private sector by the DA and FF+ has cost implications that voters need to understand.

Before a council decides who will deliver a service, the law requires it to test whether it can do the work itself. It must weigh its skills and resources, whether its budget can carry the extra staff, the effect on jobs and the views of organised labour. If it chooses to look outside, it must notify the community and compare outside service providers on cost and capacity. It must seek the views of residents and organised labour.

This can only happen after the election. No party has done these assessments, since political parties are not municipal councils. None of the manifestos gives the cost, capacity or jobs figures that section 78 asks for. Consequently, voters are choosing between promises. A voter who supports insourcing or outsourcing is trusting that the party, once it runs the municipal council, will do these assessments honestly and not skip them once in power. The voter trusts that these assessments will be done faithfully, using real figures on costs, staff, skills and jobs, not estimates, and that following the assessments the party will accept the outcome even if it contradicts its election promise.

In terms of transparency and accountability, every new council that promises insourcing or outsourcing should, within two years of taking office, publish each section 78 assessment in full, with costs, before it takes a decision. The National Treasury and department of co-operative governance should help weaker municipalities carry out these assessments properly, so the test is a real one and not an estimate. Insourcing costs money in salaries. Outsourcing costs money in contracts and oversight. Neither option is free, and neither works without strong financial management.

• Mbava is an independent public finance expert and a former chair of the Financial & Fiscal Commission

The lawsuit, filed in the Johannesburg high court on September 25, centres on remarks Mbalula made during an ANC media briefing on July 2, when he discussed anti-immigration protests that had taken place across the country.

Julius Malema’s party argues that the remarks falsely linked it to unlawful anti-foreigner activies and portrayed it as acting in contradiction to its stated pan-Africanist position.

Mbalula, through his attorneys, has rejected the allegations, arguing that his comments were made in the context of political debate on immigration, lawlessness and public order, and should not be interpreted in isolation.

During the briefing, Mbalula said: “Lawlessness cannot be a norm and be tolerated. I’ve spoken about this and another political party, EFF, was knocking on people’s doors, telling foreigners to go, outside the law.”

The EFF claims the statement conveyed that it had participated in anti-immigration protests and had engaged in unlawful conduct by intimidating foreign nationals. “In their ordinary and natural meaning, the impugned statements made by Mr Mbalula are that the EFF ... was acting unlawfully by telling foreigners to leave South Africa; and was engaging in conduct outside the law.”

The EFF says the comments were particularly damaging because they were made in the run-up to the local government elections on November 4

The party further argues that the remarks suggested it was misleading the public by publicly supporting an open-border policy while allegedly participating in activities aimed at removing foreign nationals.

The EFF says the comments were particularly damaging because they were made in the run-up to the local government elections on November 4.

The party’s court papers set out its foreign policy position, which it says is rooted in progressive internationalism, pan-Africanism, economic justice and solidarity among African states. It also advocates regional economic integration and a borderless Africa, including the eventual introduction of a single African currency. The EFF argues that this position is incompatible with the conduct Mbalula attributed to it.

The party says the circulation of the remarks has compounded the reputational damage. The media briefing was broadcast or spread via television, video and audio recordings, YouTube and social media platforms.

According to the court papers, the ANC’s YouTube recording of the briefing had registered about 37,000 views by September 25 and remained accessible to the public.

The dispute had already escalated before the lawsuit was filed. On July 3, the EFF’s law firm, England Slabbert Attorneys, sent Mbalula a letter of demand seeking a retraction and public apology. The EFF demanded that Mbalula publish a video apology and retraction across his social media accounts, including Facebook, X, TikTok and Instagram, within 48 hours. It warned that failure to comply could result in legal action.

Four days later Mbalula’s attorneys, LS Mashifane, rejected the EFF’s characterisation of the remarks and accused the party of taking a single sentence out of the context of a broader political address. “The allegations by your client that the statement by our client is defamatory are factually incorrect, legally unsustainable and founded on a deliberately distorted interpretation of public commentary made by our client.”

The law firm maintained that Mbalula had been addressing matters of national concern and that his comments should be understood within the broader debate on immigration, employment, public demonstrations and law enforcement.

Political parties are, by their very nature, ideological organisations and are entitled to articulate policy positions

Fikile Mbalula's lawyers

The response also challenged the EFF’s assertion that its pan-Africanist position made Mbalula’s criticism inherently false. The attorneys referred to an EFF media statement issued in January 2022, announcing that Malema would visit restaurants to examine the employment ratio between South African citizens and foreign nationals.

The attorneys argued that the statement demonstrated that the party itself had previously raised questions about the employment of foreign nationals in the country.

“Political parties are, by their very nature, ideological organisations and are entitled to articulate policy positions, promote political ideals and advocate particular constitutional visions,” the lawyers said. “In the same vein, they are subject to public scrutiny and criticism concerning the conduct of their members, their public campaigns and the practical implementation of those stated ideals.”

Mbalula’s legal team said he would not retract the remarks, issue an apology or publish a corrective statement and would defend himself in any litigation.

The EFF has now asked the court to declare the statements defamatory, false and unlawful. It is seeking R250,000 in damages, or an amount determined by the court, as well as interest and legal costs.

The ANC has been cited as the second defendant because the remarks were made during its media briefing. However, the EFF is not seeking any relief against the party.

At the same time, Mbalula is in court seeking an apology and retraction from ANC NEC member Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who alleged that he paid delegates to secure his election as secretary-general at the party’s 2022 Nasrec conference. Mbalula has denied the vote-buying allegations, while Dlamini-Zuma has stood by her claims.

Mbalula is also set to face criminal prosecution for crimen injuria following a successful push by AfriForum. Mbalula will join Malema in the Johannesburg regional court to face charges of falsely accusing an Eastern Cape school principal of rape.

Speaking from his home village in Limpopo this week, choir team leader Sandile Majola said: “It was a mind-blowing experience that’s hard to describe. One minute you have Roger Taylor wanting a selfie with you, and you’re watching Brian May on his guitar as you sing along to Radio Ga Ga. Next thing I’m back home, it’s hot, and I’m looking at some goats while I talk to the Sunday Times.”

Majola was among the 12 choir members who performed on Monday night at the legendary Roundhouse in London as part of Taylor’s Violence Insane in a Beautiful World tour.

That performance was the culmination of a series of events set in motion last year when the choir reimagined Queen’s Bohemian Rhapsody, weaving Zulu clicks and whistles into the arrangement. The result was a version in which only the iconic cry of “Galileo! Galileo!” remained in the original English.

The choir’s artistic director, Ralf Schmitt, said he had initially approached music company Sony with the arrangement, but they turned him down, telling him to redo the piece in English.

Undeterred, Schmitt pressed forward and approached May, Taylor and the Mercury Phoenix Trust directly. They all loved the new version and gave it their official blessing. The result, released last year, was the first legally authorised translation of Queen’s iconic rock anthem to be commercially released.

Then, early this year, Taylor approached Schmitt with the idea of collaborating with the choir on two songs for his new album. They began working together — Taylor with his band recording in England and the choir recording their parts in South Africa.

While the choir was on a recent sold-out tour in the Netherlands, Taylor contacted them with an invitation to perform with him in London.

“It was a brilliant opportunity that came just as we were finishing our Netherlands tour. We were in Europe, and everybody still had visas after performing at the Edinburgh Fringe festival. I had to return home and was very sad to say goodbye to the team as they hopped on the Eurostar,” Schmitt said.

The choir arrived in London and went straight to rehearsals.

“We already knew the songs, but it was so strange to finally meet Roger in real life. He was amazing and asked to have selfies with us,” said Majola.

“We did a run-through, and Roger asked us to stay for a bit. Next thing, Brian shows up. Yoh! And I’m just thinking, ‘Now things are serious.’ And he’s walking up and saying, ‘I love you guys. I’m a huge fan and I follow all your videos.’ Can you imagine?”

Monday’s concert was sold out, and the choir’s surprise appearance was a huge hit.

Queen’s official media channels described the night as “a real kind of magic”, while Taylor responded to the praise on social media by thanking London and the choir.

“We did have a lot of fun! Until next time,” he wrote.

Entertainment journalists highlighted the visual scale and emotional impact of the performance. The Times’ critic wrote, “This unlikely mash-up of genres and generations proved to be an unexpected delight, transforming Taylor’s uneven hobby-band project into a joyously eclectic celebration.”

Fans and online reviewers flooded social media with praise, calling the collaboration a “legendary night to remember” and describing it as the “best concert seen in a long time”.

Documents filed in the high court in Johannesburg reveal how a debt arising from work allegedly completed for the party in 2019 was formally acknowledged by then treasurer-general Paul Mashatile in 2022 but has since escalated to R36.4m, excluding additional interest and legal costs.

Eltel, a telecommunications company, has moved to attach money held in five of the ANC’s Nedbank accounts, placing funds used for the party’s political operations and administration at the centre of the dispute.

In a notice to the bank dated September 25, the company, through the sheriff, demands that money held in the identified accounts be paid over to satisfy the alleged judgment debt of R39.9m, including interest.

The accounts targeted include the ANC’s elections, fundraising, levies and salary accounts, as well as an account designated for the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC).

The notice states that “the execution creditor obtained a writ of execution against the execution debtor on 25 September 2026”.

The ANC is presently indebted to Eltel in respect of agreed work done by Eltel for the ANC during the period February 2019 to May 2019, which debt is still due, owing and payable by the ANC to Eltel

Acknowledgement of debt attached Eltel’s particulars of claim

The notice calls on Nedbank to pay over the money within nine days of service.

It warns that should the bank fail to comply, dispute its liability or fail to satisfy the sheriff as to its defence, Eltel may approach the court for an order compelling payment.

The attempt to attach the accounts follows a claim rooted in an alleged acknowledgement of debt signed by Mashatile on March 16 2022.

According to Eltel’s particulars of claim, Mashatile met the company’s chief executive, Asif Casoojee, at his Sandton home to discuss the party’s outstanding debt arising from work allegedly carried out between February and May 2019.

In the acknowledgement of debt attached to the particulars of claim, Mashatile allegedly confirmed that the ANC owed the company R24.2m, comprising the outstanding capital, interest and legal costs.

The document further records that the debt arose from agreed work carried out for the ANC, which the company claimed remained unpaid despite repeated undertakings by the party.

“The ANC is presently indebted to Eltel in respect of agreed work done by Eltel for the ANC during the period February 2019 to May 2019, which debt is still due, owing and payable by the ANC to Eltel.”

The acknowledgement allegedly set out an instalment payment arrangement, with the party undertaking to settle the outstanding amount by October 2022.

However, Eltel alleges that the ANC failed to honour the agreement, defaulting on payments and leaving the outstanding balance unpaid.

A draft default judgment order filed on September 25 provides for the ANC to pay R36.4m, together with R582,531 in interest calculated from July 1 to September 25 2026, and legal costs of R2.9m

The company claims that the party subsequently continued to engage with it over the debt, making further undertakings to settle the amount in e-mails, WhatsApp messages and oral discussions.

In its particulars of claim, Eltel argues that these engagements amounted to repeated acknowledgements of liability, which interrupted the running of prescription in terms of the Prescription Act.

The company is seeking payment of the full amount, interest at the prescribed rate of 10.5% per annum on the outstanding capital and legal costs.

A draft default judgment order filed on September 25 provides for the ANC to pay R36.4m, together with R582,531 in interest calculated from July 1 to September 25 2026, and legal costs of R2.9m.

The litigation was instituted after a combined summons was issued against the ANC in September, with the sheriff’s return of service recording that the documents were served at the party’s headquarters, Luthuli House, in Johannesburg.

The case raises questions about the party’s outstanding financial obligations and the potential impact of the enforcement proceedings on accounts intended for its operations, including election-related activities.

However, the documents do not establish how much money is currently held in the five accounts or whether the balances are sufficient to satisfy the amount being pursued. They also do not confirm whether Nedbank has paid any money over to the sheriff or whether the ANC has challenged the attachment.

While the execution notice states that a writ of execution was obtained, the court file also contains a draft order relating to an application for default judgment. The final status of the judgment and execution process therefore requires confirmation from the court.

The Sunday Times sent questions to ANC spokesperson Mahlangi Bhengu-Motsiri, but she did not respond to calls or WhatsApp messages.

He loved money and had lots of it — thanks mostly to lucrative government contracts.

Loved and despised in equal measure, “Sir Wicknell”, as he was often called — and called himself — died with his wife and several others in a helicopter crash on Wednesday.

They were reportedly travelling back to Harare after leaving his rural homestead in Gandami in the Chikomba district when the aircraft went down due to poor weather and visibility.

Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa said in a statement on X on Thursday that he was “in deep shock and grief”, while in a separate post Kenya’s President William Ruto called Chivayo his friend and said he was saddened by his passing.

Chivayo, 43, had cultivated close ties with Mnangagwa and other African leaders, posting pictures of himself with them on social media, where he also displayed luxury cars, designer clothing and lavish gifts. He also shared pictures he took with Eswatini’s King Mswati and Ugandan leader Yoweri Museveni.

In May, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s spokesperson, Vincent Magwenya, publicly stated that the president did not know Chivayo after photos emerged of the two men standing near each other at Mnangagwa’s private farm in Kwekwe. Magwenya said Ramaphosa did not know that Chivayo would be at the informal gathering.

At the time, Chivayo’s assets in South Africa had been frozen, reportedly in a cross-border divorce and matrimonial property dispute brought by his ex-wife.

Chivayo had a chequered career. Critics frequently cited him as an example of a small elite class that benefited from government-linked contracts under Zimbabwe’s long-ruling Zanu-PF party. He denied allegations of corruption.

Chivayo was jailed for several years after a 2005 conviction as part of a money-laundering case.

He was arrested in 2018 over the alleged misuse of a $5.6m (about R93m) advance payment tied to a solar power project, but a magistrate struck the case off the court roll in 2023, citing delays by prosecutors.

In 2024, he again drew scrutiny after Mnangagwa described his company as Starlink’s exclusive partner in Zimbabwe, prompting the telecommunications regulator to clarify that it was one of several approved resellers.

Investigations into the crash are ongoing. Police did not comment on its cause, but spokesperson Paul Nyathi said authorities were carrying out DNA tests because the bodies were severely damaged.

Earlier this year Chivayo posted photos of a R160m Cape Town mansion he had recently purchased in Clifton, Cape Town. The home borders Table Mountain and has panoramic views. He described the purchase as “money well spent”.

The founder of Intratrek, Zimbabwe’s leading engineering, procurement and construction company, he owned a fleet of luxury vehicles, including an exclusive 2024 Rolls-Royce sedan, and often spent extended periods in South Africa.

Chivayo had once filmed himself being driven by Ruto to a helipad in Kenya. He apparently would hang out with the president every time he was in the East African country.

Story audio is generated using AI

The government’s decision to reappoint Mteto Nyati for three years as chair of Eskom is to be commended, especially coming in the teeth of some strident criticism levelled at him and the Eskom board, especially around the utility’s impending unbundling.

His appointment represents one of the rare occasions where President Cyril Ramaphosa’s government has made a less popular public choice, but one that’s in the national interest and for the entity’s own benefit.

To start with, given the headwinds Eskom faces in a fast-changing operating environment and the pressure to become economically sustainable, a change of leadership risked disruption at a critical time for the entity.

This would have been inopportune for many reasons, not least of which is the urgency of readying Eskom for the unbundling, the need for which there is apparently no fundamental disagreement either within or outside Eskom.

It is to be hoped that the approach of appointing the leadership of public entities based on the expertise and value they bring, rather than on their political connections or pliability, will apply to the rest of the government and its entities

But as it has reached a crossroads in its history after the catastrophic load-shedding years and in the face of the requirement for the company to reinvent itself, Eskom has become contested terrain. Some of the criticism has, of course, come from actors with vested interests.

Given the pressures on the utility, the national priority should be to retain its stability and speed up its transformation to meet its pressing and enormous challenges.

It is to be hoped that the approach of appointing the leadership of public entities based on the expertise and value they bring, rather than on their political connections or pliability, will apply to the rest of the government and its entities. That is critical not only for the retention of competent leadership but also to enhance the country’s global competitiveness.

Prof Marius Pieterse reminds us that a city is judged by whether constitutional responsibilities translate into lived realities. Johannesburg enters the November elections needing precisely that test. If ANC coalition decision-makers must find common ground with Jacob Zuma, Julius Malema, Herman Mashaba and Gayton McKenzie, negotiations must be about Johannesburg, not positions or personalities. The coalition must become a government capable of rebuilding a city whose economic importance extends far beyond its boundaries.

Johannesburg is not simply another municipality. President Cyril Ramaphosa has described it as Africa’s financial capital, while city and Treasury data identify it as South Africa’s largest metropolitan economic contributor, generating almost 16% of national economic output and accounting for more than 1.8-million formal jobs.

The new administration should establish a 100-day stabilisation programme covering water, electricity, roads, waste, billing, infrastructure, municipal finance, public safety and economic recovery. But business must have a corresponding compact, requiring major companies to make substantial, transparent and measurable contributions to infrastructure, skills, youth employment, education, township enterprise, public spaces, digital systems, crime prevention and community development.

This is not charity or corporate takeover; it is recognition that the prosperity of Johannesburg and the prosperity of corporate South Africa are inseparable.

Crime must be a central pillar of reconstruction. Johannesburg needs co-operation between it, the police, Gauteng law enforcement, communities and business to confront gangs, drugs, illegal firearms, extortion, hijacked buildings, cable theft, cartels and organised criminal economies.

By 2031, residents should be able to judge whether Johannesburg is safer, functioning better, creating businesses and jobs, expanding economic opportunity and delivering services

Grant Son

The private sector must contribute directly to metropolitan safety. Johannesburg possesses an enormous private security capability protecting corporate offices, shopping centres, residential developments, logistics networks and commercial assets.

That capacity should be integrated with municipal public safety structures and the SAPS through command centres, information sharing, camera networks, emergency response systems and hotspot intelligence.

Existing public-private initiatives demonstrate that such co-operation is possible. Business cannot secure its own buildings while surrounding communities remain unsafe.

Johannesburg should establish a data and evidence platform linking the government, universities, communities and business to analyse crime, unemployment, infrastructure, transport, gender-based violence and informal economic activity. A reconstruction fund could mobilise public, private and philanthropic capital under audited governance and measurable outcomes.

By 2031, residents should be able to judge whether Johannesburg is safer, functioning better, creating businesses and jobs, expanding economic opportunity and delivering services.

— Grant Son, e-mail

Alexa, write me an essay

The article “Principals wrestle with homework in the AI era” (Sunday Times, September 27) has to be a source of concern for educationists countrywide. It should generate discussion within our homes, school system and communities.

AI-assisted homework is an effortless copy-and-paste, misleading “learning” activity that will produce certificated robots that will not be able to function when their data is depleted or they are out of Wi-Fi range. The AI-dependent student-turned-worker will be unable to complete tasks, write and submit reports, jeopardising productivity and broad-based economic development as the primary goal of education.

AI-assisted homework must be closely controlled and monitored. With the advent of calculators, pupils were discouraged from dependency on them. On the right side of an examination page, we were supposed to show how we arrived at an answer. This also helped teachers see where we went wrong.

However, in our 4IR age, we cannot rule out AI homework assistance. It forms an integral part of the 21st-century economic revolution.

With such articles, I believe that we are charting a way out of our educational quagmire at a time when some matriculants get high marks, only to end up as higher education dropouts when challenged by undergraduate courses. AI, for all intents and purposes, is a shortcut to acquiring knowledge, but when badly used and depended upon, can also be a shortcut to schooling disaster.

— Moikwatlhai Seitisho, Phuthaditjhaba

New struggle, new allies

In response to Peter Bruce, Makhudu Sefara and Barney Mthombothi. The visa bans and the white cross protest in Washington highlight how poorly we understand how South Africa’s government is now perceived in the US — and how our arguments against every action and perceived slight reflect a fourth estate of limited ideological bandwidth.

Bruce tortuously attempts to draw equivalence between BEE and Ernst Roets’s white cross protest, and fails, mainly because there isn’t any. The Common Sense, in its own analysis, confirms that attacks on farmers are twice the national average and the likelihood of attacks ending in murder is seven times. And not all the murdered farmers named are white. Case closed.

Sefara wants Afrikaners to join a #NotInMyName protest against US lies. The absurdity of his jumbled logic appears to escape him. The ANC has implemented laws that discriminate against whites, this is a fact. That apologists want to call it constitutional redress does not change its reality. Turkeys don’t vote for Christmas.

Mthombothi then gets into the gutter with his “to hell” with the “five asks”, which should be thrown into the Potomac, in his view. Thoughtful and refined geopolitical analysis this is not.

But here’s the thing. Just as the ANC went capital to capital during the struggle, trying to find sympathetic audiences, so too are minority groups doing so now. Back then it was Moscow that opened the door, and today it is Washington. These people are not stupid, neither the Americans nor the Afrikaners. Understanding what is actually driving this and appreciating that addressing these issues is far from an assault on sovereignty would be helpful.

— Martin Neethling, Cape Town

Help boys learn nobility

Zingiswa Losi, president of Cosatu, told the world that South Africa is a violent nation. She gave examples of crimes committed. She said the problem in the country is not race-based crime. Most recently, the bodies of 12 women have been found in the Ekurhuleni area.

There is outrage at these horrific acts of crime, a justified reaction. These crimes are classified as GBV. It is generally accepted that men are responsible for GBV . The criminals responsible for these crimes must be punished. Outrage should also focus on addressing the root causes of these crimes. If these crimes are gender-based, then the boy child is central to eradicating these crimes, because he is the man of tomorrow.

Is society not neglecting the boy child at its own peril? What programmes are there for the boy child that prepare him for responsible manhood? What programmes does the government have for the boy child? Condemnation alone cannot be the solution. Why are we a violent nation?

— Lulamile Kilani , Durban

You can say that again

“Listen with your heart to the needs of the hard of hearing” (Sunday Times, September 27), by Benedict Maaga, resonated with me to a remarkable degree. Maaga detailed his own experiences as a hearing-impaired person operating in a world designed for people with full hearing.

Unlike many physical disabilities, deafness is not as apparent to the casual observer. Thank you for raising awareness, in such an interesting way, about the problems experienced by deaf people.

— Ian Warden (hearing impaired senior citizen), Rosebank

Story audio is generated using AI

South Africans spend enormous sums on funeral insurance, much of it bought by households with little room for waste in their monthly budgets.

Yet the structure of the market means that some of the people who can least afford expensive insurance are buying it through one of the costliest channels available to them. Large employers can obtain group cover at far lower rates, but millions of workers in smaller businesses remain outside those schemes.

“Many of these employees have two or three funeral policies with different providers,” says Anthony Miller, founder and CEO of Simply Financial, a South African insurance technology start-up that provides life, disability and funeral cover to individuals and employer groups. “Partly that’s because they’ve taken them out at different times to cover different family members, and partly because they’re worried one or other might not pay if there’s a claim.”

He gives the example of a call centre with 2,000 employees, where R20,000 in family funeral cover could cost around R12 to R15 per person a month. Similar cover bought individually can cost R100 or R150.

Miller came to insurance after co-founding property data business Lightstone and later moving into vehicle finance, warranties and financial services. He was struck by the contrast between spending on funeral cover and the protection available through group policies.

“If you looked at the time at the total premium being collected in the South African long-term insurance space, something like R40bn or R50bn out of R120bn was retail funeral cover. And yet, when you looked at the amount of cover being provided in those group-risk policies versus the amount being provided in the funeral policies, it was orders of magnitude more.

“There was an opportunity to do things differently and, in that process, provide significantly more cover for people without requiring any more premium.”

Group funeral cover, in terms of how much cover you get, can be up to 10 times better value than retail funeral

Anthony Miller, founder and CEO of Simply Financial

Simply Financial launched in 2016 with an online retail model, but cheap digital distribution did little to change how people bought life insurance.

“South Africans — particularly mass- and middle-market South Africans — don’t buy life insurance online, no matter how good it is and how cheap it is. They buy life insurance from a person.”

The company rebuilt its platform around brokers and employer-based cover. Miller says many large insurers have minimum group sizes of around 20 employees, while most SMEs have fewer than 20 staff. Commission on group cover is also regulated at relatively low levels, leaving brokers little incentive to spend much time on very small accounts.

But once an employer handles premium collection, policies tend to remain active for longer, reducing one of the major costs of retail life insurance.

“Persistency is actually a bigger driver of the economics of life insurance than claims,” says Miller. “When you go via an employer, the persistency is much higher. Because you’re getting premiums for a longer period of time, you don’t need to charge as much in order to get your return on capital.”

This is merely one of the gaps in an inefficient market.

“Group funeral cover, in terms of how much cover you get, can be up to 10 times better value than retail funeral. And group life is significantly better value again than group funeral. So if we can start shifting poorer people into group life cover, you can increase the amount of cover 10- to 20-fold without any more money being needed.”

The absence of cover can also cost a company later. Miller says some owners feel compelled to help a family directly after an employee dies or becomes disabled, while colleagues notice how the business responds.

“Someone dies and the company doesn’t come to the party, and everyone else thinks, ‘Clearly they don’t really care about us.’”

Technology allows smaller accounts to be administered at lower cost. The platform connects directly to payroll systems, adding or removing employees as staff records change, and cutting manual administration and making small groups viable for the insurer.

“The way we’ve typically used tech to create efficiencies is through APIs (application programming interfaces), integrating with third-party systems, enabling prepopulation of data to save time and reduce errors,” says Miller. “It’s only now that we’re starting to see AI filter properly into the business.”

He sees AI extending to hybrid policies in which employers provide basic cover and employees buy additional protection through payroll. But meanwhile, basic tools like WhatsApp could help employees understand their policies and deal with changes when they move between companies.

• Goldstuck is CEO of World Wide Worx, editor-in-chief of Gadget.co.za, and author of The Hitchhiker’s Guide to AI: The African Edge

In Sibanyoni’s world, clearly, the pecking order is important.

How a taxi sheriff says ‘tjaila’

Just in case justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga and his fellow commissioners were not convinced about Sibanyoni’s claim to the presidential title, the taxi boss concluded his testimony with a “quotable quote” — as any self-respecting “president” would do.

“Because I was a student at some point, it is during this time of the day when I used to quote one of my quotable quotations, which says as follows: ‘As the lapsing of chronometer, symbolically indicating the twinkle tingling of conte conte, mine at this present juncture is just to evacuate this arena, leaving you with these few words: See me when I see you, and if you don’t, we shall see one another in the near future. And there we shall smile because this was well planned by the almighty God.’”

Not quite Thabo Mbeki’s poetic “I am an African” classic, but more akin to Jacob Zuma’s famous gibberish: “You come with meandos, I answer with meandos.” Right?

Master of copy and paste

Speaking of presidents and their fondness for quotes. Hogarth has one colleague in the newsroom who has read the entire 123-page monograph published by the Thabo Mbeki Foundation last Sunday.

Hogarth has no doubt that most, if not all, of the 123 pages were written by the pipe-smoking Native Intelligence himself. How does Hogarth know this? Because the colleague who has read the whole thing says long passages of it are direct quotes from speeches and reports Mbeki wrote or delivered during his stints as president and deputy president and in the years since then.

Rather light a candle in the dark

According to Hogarth’s colleague, the monograph closes with a story told by apartheid general Constand Viljoen to Mbeki and a colleague in the early 1990s. The general apparently ended his story by telling the two that a valuable lesson he learnt as a young man was to “never start a fire in the veld unless you are sure you can put it out”.

Hogarth could not help but think that if it were the Nkandla Crooner, he would have saved everybody the trouble of reading 123 pages by summarising the conclusion with the song his supporters used to sing when he was president: “Ungayijahi impi, impi iyabulala” — don’t rush the war, war kills.

AI fails the spell check test

But Hogarth is in no way complaining about having a man of letters as a former president. Some countries aren’t that lucky. Somewhere up in North America, the land of the free and home of the brave, they have a president who apparently can’t spell.

The Orange One hosted an important meeting on AI in Washington early last week with owners and CEOs of Big Tech companies, who signed a “White House Accord on Super Intelligence”.

Later that day, Donald Trump proudly shared the signed document on social media. But he soon became the butt of jokes when it transpired that beneath his signature in the official document, his title is given as “President of the Unites States”.

Fewer bombs and more sub-editors for the United States, please.

Warriors in pussy cat skins

Meanwhile, down in the province with a name and a surname, Ngizwe Mchunu and Phakel’umthakathi, two fellows who shot to national prominence earlier this year by playing Shaka Zulu warriors on the streets of Durban, Johannesburg and East London as they hunted undocumented immigrants, finally met their match this week.

The two led a couple of “Zulu warriors” into the Durban International Convention Centre, where they disrupted an investment conference organised by the Ingonyama Trust. The armed men stormed the conference centre, claiming to be acting in the name of King Misuzulu. They sang songs, danced on the stage and brought proceedings to a halt.

But when traditional leaders at the event pushed back, telling them to stop their nonsense, the two social media “warriors” suddenly became sheepish, apologising and claiming to have been “misled” about the nature of the event.

Story audio is generated using AI

It’s just four more editions of the Sunday Times until the 2026 local government elections and you’d be forgiven for thinking nothing is happening. There are posters up in some places, but not everywhere. And apart from some staged events there’s little debate. Helen Zille has been colourful in Johannesburg and, er, that’s about it.

Before he died in 2016, Allister Sparks wrote a column in Business Day warning that local elections a few months later would be a referendum on the catastrophic presidency of Jacob Zuma. They were. That November the DA, led by Mmusi Maimane, scored its biggest ever share of the national vote — 26.9%. Subsequent DA efforts have not even come close.

This time around, with Geordin Hill-Lewis leading the DA as mayor of Cape Town, there’s little sense of that 2016 moment. Maybe just as well. The country then was being run by a corrupt cabal which knew exactly what it was doing. Today, under President Cyril Ramaphosa, you can’t say quite the same thing. Ramaphosa is trying to reform aspects of the economy, but he has been incapable of uniting his party and he has, as a result, capitulated to it. The result is chaos, but not quite with the old Zumaesque intent.

Not that there are no fascinating results in the offing. Will Zille win Johannesburg for the DA? Who would be her coalition partners of choice if, as is likely, she doesn’t win a majority? Will Zuma’s MK party take Durban (eThekwini) — it would be a huge victory, full of political and economic consequence. Can the ANC hold on in places like Bloemfontein or Nelson Mandela Bay?

Even asking these questions is a measure of the electoral mire into which the ANC has sunk under Ramaphosa, and the race to take the ANC leadership at the end of next year is wide open with both obvious candidates for the job — Deputy President Paul Mashatile and ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula — in all kinds of trouble. Mashatile is mysteriously unwell and Mbalula made such a mess of registering ANC candidates for the November 4 elections his big provincial supporters have abandoned him.

Hill-Lewis, almost Zen-like in his relaxed leadership style, is nonetheless being tested

If by some miracle he manages to save face in the next few weeks, my money was always on him succeeding Ramaphosa. Mbalula may play the fool, and he may occasionally even be one. But he’s an operator and popular inside the ANC.

And the fact is that the ANC that sits down to negotiate the creation of a new governing coalition after the 2029 general elections will be a vastly different animal to what it is now. It’ll be smaller, down on the 40% it won in 2024, and it will have to make some excruciating choices.

Let’s assume the ANC national share trend continues down on November 4. It got 53.9% of the vote in 2016 and 45% in 2021, when the DA vote under John Steenhuisen collapsed back down to 21.6% from the Maimane 2016 high. So, this time the ANC slide continues to, say, 38%. At best.

The DA meanwhile is standing in every ward in the country in this election. No other party (the ANC thanks to Mbalula) is. Hill-Lewis, almost Zen-like in his relaxed leadership style, is nonetheless being tested. He needs, at the very least, to outperform Maimane’s 26.9% next month.

If not, what was the point of sacking a perfectly plausible black leader after the 2019 general elections? And if he can’t match Maimane’s numbers now, given the state of the country, Hill-Lewis’s climb for 2029 becomes really steep. And if the ANC, under a new leader, is to get 35%-38% of the vote in a general election in three years’ time, Hill-Lewis needs to be very close behind.

And then they need to do a deal: a marriage of opposites, the best kind. It is a complex and untidy business, this coalition stuff, but our politics finds a new equilibrium when the ANC and the DA are able to govern in centrist coalitions wherever possible — in national, provincial and local governments — with solid majorities.

The ANC, for all its faults and corruption, retains a legitimacy in the electorate that cannot be lightly discounted. And the DA has a solid record of governance where it has majorities. The two together promise a stability the country desperately needs.

Leadership would matter. Smaller parties would rail against them, but for both the ANC and the DA the fact is that their current partners — small leftish black parties for the ANC and small right-wing white ones for the DA — are often toxic for both of them. If November 4 does nothing else, let’s hope it lights up a clear path forward for the political middle.

Esterhuizen, inspirational as the Sharks skipper, deserved the Bok captaincy against Australia in Perth.

The player and leader earned that honour. But the teenager he was 14 years ago could never simply be wished away, hidden from questions or treated as somebody else’s inconvenience.

In 2012, Esterhuizen was found guilty of directing a racial slur at Thabo Molete while playing schoolboy rugby. He was 18. He received a one-year ban, suspended for six months on condition he completed a life-skills course, and was removed from the Leopards’ Craven Week squad.

Do not sanitise it. Do not minimise it as teenage banter. It was wrong, and he was found guilty and punished. Equally, do not pretend an 18-year-old must forever be imprisoned by the worst words he spoke as a schoolboy.

That is why the Springboks’ leadership’s response was so disappointing.

The moment Esterhuizen was named captain, the incident’s return on social media and in the media was inevitable. Erasmus and the Boks management should have anticipated it, owned it and addressed it immediately.

Instead, there was silence.

Retreated into a laager.

Journalists were prevented from asking questions at the press conferences before and after the Test match. A management group celebrated for its frankness and transparency retreated into a laager.

It was defensive, arrogant and naive. It also protected nobody.

Silence did not protect Esterhuizen. It left him exposed to the conclusion that nothing had changed because nobody was permitted to explain how much had changed.

This should have been a good-news story. Not one that erased the sin, but one that showed the value of education, consequence, growth and redemption.

The punishment was meant to correct the player and the person, not condemn them. If it worked, as Esterhuizen’s subsequent life suggests it did, then rugby had a duty to show why discipline and education can matter so profoundly.

Esterhuizen has built a 14-year professional life since that incident. He played four seasons at Harlequins in southwest London, in a different country and among different races, nationalities and cultures.

He returned to Durban and was appointed a Sharks captain by JP Pietersen, a coach of colour and a Springboks World Cup winner, to lead a squad in which more than half the players are of colour.

Learned from Kolisi

Erasmus then trusted him to lead a culturally and racially diverse Springboks team. Esterhuizen has shared a changing room with Siya Kolisi at the Sharks and at the Springboks, and before the Test, he spoke about what he had learnt from Kolisi’s leadership.

This is evidence of trust, maturity and a life expanded far beyond the ignorance and crassness of one schoolboy moment.

I wanted to hear Esterhuizen tell that story. I wanted to hear what the life-skills programme taught him, what he understood about the hurt of that word and how his view of South Africa and its people had changed.

This was not about forcing a grown man through another public punishment. It was about giving him the opportunity to educate every white teenage boy who may still inherit prejudice before he develops the wisdom to reject it.

South Africa cannot be a country in which a teenager is condemned for life, nor can it be one in which fame and success buy silence about the past.

Diversity lived, not advertised

Accountability and redemption must live together. Remove accountability, and redemption becomes public relations. Remove redemption, and punishment becomes vengeance.

Erasmus’s Springboks, inspired by Kolisi, have come to represent the best of South Africa’s present and the possibility of its future. They are loved because their diversity is lived and not advertised.

Perth offered them another platform to show that change is possible and education is stronger than inherited racial rhetoric.

Instead, the Boks management’s refusal to engage reinforced a narrative of convenient transformation that I do not believe accurately reflects this team, Esterhuizen or Erasmus.

This should have been the story of a sinner becoming a better person, not a saintly refusal to own the sin.

The answer, unfortunately, is probably not.

The reason by Russell may be another inexplicable inability to find pace around the Malaysian Grand Prix, echoed by Toto Wolff as he spoke of having no performance yesterday after the Mercedes’s poor qualifying performance, but the truth probably lies in the aspect of winning that seems to elude him most. Consistency.

Consistency is Antonelli’s weapon

Consistently overperforming has been the currency that Kimi Antonelli has used to accrue his championship gap to Russell.

On a track he had never raced on before, and one where Mercedes quickly realised after qualifying that its usual dominance was not guaranteed, the young Italian managed to turn a challenge into an opportunity to steal as many places and points for the sake of his championship charge.

Consistently overperforming has been the currency that Kimi Antonelli has used to accrue his championship gap to Russell.

The Sepang International Circuit provided many challenges across the grid. The humidity and heat of Malaysia demanded supreme focus of the drivers and the sandpaper-like texture of the track meant that tyre management was first on the minds of the garages as they looked to take advantage of the chaos in the pits with the race developing into a minimum two-stop drive. Mercedes made the most of that fact, helped by their years pulling out race-winning tyre strategies to turn what would’ve been a weekend to forget in Malaysia.

Although tyre degradation threatened to dull the excitement around Sepang, with the McLarens and Ferraris having to temper their ambitions, a relentless Max Verstappen put himself at the centre of proceedings after claiming his first pole position of the season.

After wrestling with his own Red Bull for much of the 2026 season, it seems he has finally tamed the bull as he and his RB22 dared the track to slow them down.

Through the pit-stop turnover and the malaise of Malaysia, the 29-year-old champion put on a sensational drive alongside his understudy Isack Hadjar, who continues to repay the Red Bull team’s faith in him race after race.

Verstappen finds co-star

After years of the second seat at Red Bull seemingly being a poison chalice, perhaps for the first time since the imperious Daniel Ricciardo, Verstappen has finally found his co-star.

Buoyed by a second half of the season that has so far shown nothing but promise, a dynamic driver duo that seems nigh unstoppable whenever the car is even somewhat agreeable, as well as an internal combustion engine which in its first year of Red Bull production has been deemed the best by F1’s governing body, the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile, Red Bull find themselves in fine fettle for the 2027 season.

After enduring the drab affair that was the Madring, F1 devotees have been spoiled with splendid races and grand driving.

As we close the curtains on a brilliant Malaysian GP, the paint on the championship picture continues to dry, with Antonelli finding ways to strengthen his claim to finishing the season on top.

The backfiring Ferrari challenge has well and truly died out, stalled by their own stuttering decision-making. Lando Norris and McLaren did their best but have only managed a cameo appearance.

The end of the 2026 F1 is sure to crown a Mercedes driver as the champion and Russell’s part in this play looks close to its end.

Even residents of a loony house can vouch for the skyscraper standing of the two-time Caf Champions League winners and current holders, who are making impressive inroads into the global terrain with their Fifa Club World Cup and Intercontinental Cup excursions.

Despite the quality of players at their disposal and their contribution to entrenching the marauding mellow-yellow train from Mamelodi as exceptional kings of the Betway Premiership in this decade, successive Downs coaches have punched below their weight in local cup competitions.

While Manqoba Mngqithi, Rhulani Mokwena and Miguel Cardoso cracked the league title code, each adding a title to the five won by Pitso Mosimane to complete a record unprecedented eight straight swoop — and winning it by big margins, with games to spare — that success has been sporadic in knockout silverware, strikingly poor by their lofty standards.

A Mauricio Affonso brace bagged the 2019 Telkom Knockout gong. Gaston Sirino’s solitary strike won the Nedbank Cup the following year. The Brazilians lifted the MTN8 in 2021 and a Thapelo Morena extra-time winner secured the 2022 Nedbank Cup title to complete a treble.

Shocked senseless

Sundowns were shocked senseless when they lost the Carling Knockout to rookies Magesi FC, a result that contributed to Mngqithi’s sacking and hiring of Cardoso.

The Portuguese mentor’s main challenge was to win the Champions League, and with the mission now accomplished — and the Fifa Intercontinental Cup in the cabinet — attention shifts to capturing the first trophy on offer in the domestic league.

On Saturday, the African champions will enter a sold-out Moses Mabhida Stadium hellbent to shift the needle and scupper the supremacy of Orlando Pirates in a competition the Sea Robbers seek to scoop a record fifth time on the trot.

Not only will it be a contest between two sides that have contributed a strong base of selection for the Bafana Bafana, what will play out down in Durban is a clash with a tinge of vengeance.

In ending a 14-year league drought by pipping Downs to it by a single point, Pirates coach Abdeslam Ouaddou handed Cardoso an unwanted record: the first Downs coach to fail to deliver the holy grail in nine years.

It is an itch Cardoso is eager to scratch and an appetite the yellow nation is salivating to satiate.

Internationals returning

Both teams will welcome back their internationals from a three-week national deployment, where they helped Pitso Mosimane get his Bafana return off to a flyer with a 2-1 defeat of Guinea and a 5-0 demolition of Eritrea, to sit six points atop Group D in the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) qualifiers.

Cardoso will welcome back Ronwen Williams, Aubrey Modiba, Thapelo Morena, Iqraam Rayners, Fawaaz Basadien, Cassius Mailula, Themba Zwane, Tashreeq Matthews, Thabang Motuludi, Ricardo Goss, and Khulumani Ndamane after Bafana complete their commitments with a friendly match against Egypt at Cairo International Stadium tonight.

Bathusi Aubaas and Teboho Mokoena are walking wounded, though the latter is expected to recover in time for the final.

Ouaddou will have Sipho Chaine, Nkosinathi Sibisi, Oswin Appollis, Thabang Moremi, Lebone Seema, Kamogelo Sebelebele and Yanela Mbuthuma back in the squad.

The Ghost harbour hopes of seeing a side that has assumed the mettle of cup specialists, adding another piece of silverware to a collection of nine trophies in the past four years (Nedbank Cups, a Carling Knockout and four MTN8s).

For that to happen, Chaine should show the same safe pair of hands that has seen the reigning goalkeeper of the season concede one goal in seven games in this league campaign, and hope that Bryan Leon [with three league goals] does not break his duck in this game. The Colombian has contributed only an assist in this MTN8 competition.

It is a great final in prospect, with all the main ingredients: two of South Africa’s standard-bearers bursting at the seams with a galaxy of international players, two top-class coaches and a full house at the 56,000-capacity coastal venue.

Roll on Saturday for the latest instalment of the clash of the titans.

X-@bbkunplugged99

His return is a statement about the club’s ambitions and their leadership’s investment in experience, as there is an emphasis on youthful development of players within the province.

Kolisi is a Stormers centurion, having made his professional debut in Cape Town. He played his first match for the Stormers in six years on Friday night against Edinburgh in the United Rugby Championship (URC).

The result did not favour Kolisi or the Stormers, but one defeat on a windy night on an artificial pitch in Edinburgh will never be the measurement of Kolisi.

Neither will it be a statement of panic for a team that has the squad depth and potential to win the competition and challenge for the Investec Championship title.

Kolisi, the biggest name in world rugby, remains one of the best loose forwards in the sport.

More than a player

But the value of his return extends beyond his playing.

Kolisi has influence and presence and a natural gift to mentor and inspire.

Here is a back-to-back World Cup-winning captain, and he’s helping with strapping, carrying the water and ready to serve the team in any capacity if he is not on the field.

Riley Norton

The Stormers have three recent Junior Springbok captains in their system and established loose forwards. Kolisi adds a dimension to this collective.

Stormers coach John Dobson was emphatic when Kolisi’s return was announced.

“Siya will be able to help develop these players and mentor them in a way that nobody else could, given what he has achieved and what he represents to all South Africans, and especially our fans,” he said.

That value was evident before Kolisi pulled on the jersey on Friday night.

After the Springboks’ Greatest Rivalry series win against the All Blacks, Dobson told Kolisi to return to Cape Town and rest. Instead, Kolisi travelled from Perth via Dubai and Dublin, then by bus to Galway in Ireland for the Stormers’ tournament opener against Connacht.

“The best way to connect to the team is on tour, and I want to connect to this team,” Kolisi told Dobson.

Dobson understood the significance. “That’s actions, not words,” he said.

“He’s just done the best act of bridge-crossing you could possibly do. This guy is special.”

South Africa Under-20 World Championship captain Riley Norton made his Stormers debut in Galway and he raved about the impact of Kolisi at the Stormers and with the Springboks.

Charisma, humillity and song

Norton made his Springbok debut against the Barbarians in a non-Test match earlier this season. “Siya lifts the energy and the mood of a room whenever he walks into it,” he said this week during the Champions Cup launch in Lyon, France.

“And he does it with charisma, humility, humour and song. He has an ability to calm everyone, encourage young players, like myself, and mentor [them]. He shares so much knowledge and his own experiences, but he does it in a conversational and heartfelt way.”

Then came the line that defines Kolisi’s leadership.

“Here is a back-to-back World Cup-winning captain and he is helping with strapping, carrying the water and ready to serve the team in any capacity if he is not on the field,” Norton said.

“As a player, you just want to follow him into battle.”

There is also the business of professional rugby, and Stormers CEO Johan le Roux makes no apology for recognising Kolisi’s commercial power. “Siya is a national icon who has such a strong connection to our team and our supporters,” he said.

“Our sponsors are very excited to see players of Siya and Cheslin Kolbe’s calibre back in the Stormers squad. This class of superstars increases the commercial value for our sponsors through the attention they draw from around the world to the Stormers.”

Campbell, of Belgian Pro League side KV Kortrijk, and Puso Dithejane, of MLS side Chicago Fire, were spectators during the recent 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) qualifier wins over Guinea and Eritrea.

Mosimane went with his best possible teams in those matches, but the high-profile friendly against the Pharaohs presents an opportunity to unleash the highly rated duo.

They have been in good form for their clubs, and Mosimane rewarded them with places in the squad to increase depth as he looks beyond next year’s Afcon in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

Campbell, Dithejane, Mbekezeli Mbokazi, Ime Okon, Olwethu Makhanya, Lebone Seema, Khulumane Ndamane, Samukele Kabini, Relebohile Mofokeng and Thapelo Maseko are the younger players Mosimane will rely on after the Afcon in East Africa.

Mosimane set to make wholesale changes for Bafana’s friendly against Egypt.#BafanaPride @StandardBankZA @adidasZA @HonorAfrica @SABC_Sport @REXONA_SA @NUTRITECHFIT @socios @10bet_ZA @CastleLagerSA @flysaa @southernsungrphttps://t.co/Me9wIkxz7m

— Bafana Bafana (@BafanaBafana) October 2, 2026

Players expected to feature against Egypt are Nkosinathi Sibisi, Fawaaz Basadien, Khulumani Ndamane, Thabang Matuludi, Thapelo Morena, Brooklyn Poggenpoel, Tashreeq Matthews, Tshepang Moremi, Yanela Mbuthuma, Luther Singh and Cassius Mailula.

Fifa rankings

Okon said they could not wait to take on Egypt in their own backyard. “Egypt is one of the biggest teams in Africa, and as a player you always want to challenge yourself against the best teams and players,” said the central defender, expressing delight at Bafana breaking into the top 50 bracket on the Fifa rankings.

“We are excited to play against them and show what we are all about. We are headed in the right direction. We are doing well, the junior national teams are also doing well, and we can only up [our game] from here.

“It is motivating to see the team moving a few places up on the rankings. When we look at the teams that are around us, it makes us realise that we can go higher from here and everything is possible.”

Bafana have been on a long camp, but Okon said they have to get on with it.

“Yes, the camp has been long but the group has adjusted because we know each other very well. The fact that we are winning matches makes it easier.”

Relationship with clubs

Mosimane recently spoke about maintaining good relationships with the clubs; and resting some of the players who played most of the minutes against Guinea and Eritrea would be welcomed by coaches.

From a South African context, there is a serious issue of the MTN8 final between Orlando Pirates and Mamelodi Sundowns on Saturday at Moses Mabhida Stadium.

Players are expected in the country latest on Tuesday, which will be four days before the crucial final, and Abdeslam Ouaddou and his Sundowns counterpart Miguel Cardoso would be happy to see some of their players rested.

For Pirates, Ouaddou would be happy to see Oswin Appollis and Kamogelo Sebelebele not featuring against Egypt as part of their recovery for the weekend.

In the same breath, Ouaddou, who is gunning for his second MTN8 crown, will probably have no issues if Sipho Chaine, Sibisi, Lebone Seema, Mbuthuma get minutes ahead of the final for the much-needed match fitness.

It is motivating to see the team moving a few places up on the rankings.

Bafana defender Ime Okon

Things are a little trickier for Cardoso because key players Teboho Mokoena, Aubrey Modiba and Bathusi Aubaas have picked up injuries and are doubts for the final.

Hammer blow for Downs

Their situations may be complicated by long travel back home, and it will be a hammer blow for Downs if they lose the trio for the final.

In the same breath, Cardoso would probably not mind seeing Morena, Basadien, Matthews and Mailula play against Egypt.

There is a lot to play for in this Egypt match because Mbokazi and Evidence Makgopa will be in contention if they are fit when Bafana return to Afcon qualifying action against Kenya in back-to-back matches in November.

While Bafana were busy with Afcon qualifiers, the South African U20 team [Amajita] won the Cosafa U20 Championships last weekend in Mozambique, and Mosimane took an interest in their matches.

He is also following the U23 side, who kicked off their 2028 Los Angeles Olympic Games preparations with a come-from-behind 3-1 win over Algeria at Dr Petrus Molemela Stadium in Bloemfontein on Thursday.

“We saw the U23s, we watched the game, and we are happy with what we saw; we are happy with the prospects,” said Mosimane.

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FNB Insure CEO Himal Parbhoo is confident of the insurer’s growth prospects, pointing to its solutions to meet customer needs and the sizeable distribution network compared to its peers in a fiercely contested market.

Parbhoo said one of the ways to grow was through integrating its insurance products into the sale of devices, whether merchant devices or smartphones sold through FNB Connect. “This is an example of how we’ve got the product and we can improve the process.”

He said another example was scaling its motor insurance through its partnership with WesBank; and it was also wooing customers by including eBucks rewards in insurance products.

Since last year, customers have been able to get up to 80% off flights for taking up short-term insurance, and at a certain level, they can get up to 40% back on their premium. “We’re looking to do more of those value additions to help with the growth and the scale of the product.”

FNB Insure is able to sell policies to existing clients and concedes that the competition is fierce in funeral insurance, with more people changing insurance providers when they switch banks.

“Competition in the market is rife, but we can also see the clients tend to take on multiple products and multiple funeral policies across the different providers and so tend to have more than one policy, but we seek to try and keep the customers,” Parbhoo said.

The end-to-end management and the ease of use of the products and the service from advisers in the FNB ecosystem were an advantage, Parbhoo told Business Times.

“Not many other institutions can tie everything up and see for you from your banking, borrowing, insurance, and that kind of thing not only for an individual, but we do it across the family. We can protect and deliver that through our channels,” he said.

We’ve got a wide distribution network, plus our insights into the clients, and the client base itself is also an opportunity to grow into customers

Himal Parbhoo, FNB Insure CEO

South Africa’s insurers are under pressure to adapt not only to technology but also to faster claims processing, which is a differentiator, and FNB Insure has gone further by focusing on service.

Parbhoo takes service seriously and a year ago increased its advisory capacity. He maintains that South Africa won’t get to a stage where it does away with advisers, saying when it comes to money, people want to talk to someone about their affairs. “They invest large sums of money, they protect large sums of money, and they want to talk to someone about it.”

This is why FNB Insure is removing the “administrative burden” to ensure advisers can have the honest conversation with the customers.

The Insure profit grew 8% to R4.1bn in the last year and gross written premiums jumped 12% to R9.6bn over the last year in its short-term insurance segment, underscoring efforts to grow customers by the FirstRand retail segment.

The business has been scaling its product distribution using its banking channels and financial advisers to retain and grow customers across the lender’s vast payment network.

Parbhoo said the lender uses the branch and adviser network to cross-sell products to customers and uses the channels to distribute products. For example, in terms of underwritten insurance, customers may take policies elsewhere, and with the growth of advisers, the lender is able to advise them on their policies, as they are able to see when customers are underinsured or not insured at all.

“We’ve got a wide distribution network, plus our insights into the clients, and the client base itself is also an opportunity to grow into customers,” he said.

The lender’s digital platform is also increasing customers, as they are able to take up funeral policies on the app.

He said a large proportion of those clients are able to do straight-through processing of the policies, which means they don’t need someone in the back end to oversee the deals and applications.

FNB Insure comprises short- and long-term insurance and investments and is taking advantage of the bank’s portfolio, including FNB Connect, which will be used to sell its short-term products.

In short-term vehicle insurance, the growth in Chinese vehicle sales is changing the dynamics for FNB Insure. Its share of the vehicle insurance market is moving in the direction of the client.

“In fact, we’re making sure that we can manage the value change when cars are in accidents so that we can get parts and panelbeating because now that we need more use of those parts. We’re seeing more Chinese vehicles being insured now by our clients.”

Business Times

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Women are usually good at creating meaningful work relationships but can be less adept at translating them into supportive professional networks.

“For many women, friendship is rooted in genuine connection, trust and mutual understanding, rather than being viewed as a potential pathway to professional opportunity. Men, by contrast, may be more comfortable allowing social and business relationships to overlap,” says Amanda Markman, head of sponsor services at financial services company Tamela.

“The answer is not for women to replicate traditionally male approaches to networking but to build on the strengths they already possess — trust, communication, empathy and close-knit relationships — and turn those strengths into networks that actively support one another.”

She advises:

• Move beyond conversation towards connecting with mentors (who provide advice and perspective) and sponsors (who use their credibility, influence and access to open doors for others);
• To progress, women need more than inspiration; they need access to informal networks, introductions, capital and decision-making spaces; and
• Developing stronger female networks requires showing up, building trust, making introductions, sharing connections and using our influence to ensure that more women gain the access they require.

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What do you do?

I’m an entrepreneur focused on helping people and businesses find opportunities. My latest venture is Echo Collective, a local lifestyle app that puts businesses, services and local events in one place. It helps people discover what’s happening around them and gives local businesses a way to be found when customers are ready to buy. We are rolling this out now so that each town in South Africa gets its own Echo platform.

I run other businesses and from time to time will spot an opportunity that resonates and will buy into or invest in a business or a fellow entrepreneur I believe in.

What has made you successful?

I think it’s my willingness to start before I have everything figured out and then keep learning as I go. I’m good at spotting a problem and seeing a business opportunity in it, but an idea means very little until you test it with real customers. I’ve made mistakes, changed direction and started again more than once. Being willing to do that, and to keep selling and doing the work when things get difficult, has made the biggest difference.

What advice do you wish you had had sooner in your career?

I wish someone had told me that you don’t need everyone to believe in your idea before you begin. Take advice from people who have built something themselves, but don’t let every sceptical opinion become a reason to stop. In fact, I would advise that you tell very few people about what you’re doing.

What would you tell a young person wanting to start their own business?

Start with a problem you can solve for someone, even if it seems small. Ask people what they need, offer a solution, and see if they’ll pay for it. You don’t need an office, a fancy logo or a perfect business plan to make your first sale.

Tell me a little about your first and most recent ventures?

My first venture out of the corporate world was a recruitment company aimed at the motor industry. My most recent venture is an app that I’ve started rolling out in KwaZulu-Natal that allows users to access local service providers and events and activities in their town.

What do you look for when recruiting for your team?

I look for enthusiasm, a willingness to learn and someone who isn’t afraid to work hard. You can teach a person the details of a job, but they have to bring the curiosity and the drive. I want people who ask questions, take feedback and keep getting better. That’s the kind of team I want to build.

Business Times

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Gold Fields CEO Mike Fraser’s audacious $27bn (about R451bn) bid to buy Australian gold major Northern Star, in what would be the biggest deal ever struck by a South African gold mining house, is set to dominate high-finance circles over the next few weeks.

If successful, the bid would create the world’s second-largest gold producer, capable of producing about 4.1m oz of gold annually — second only to Newmont, headed by South African mining executive Natascha Viljoen.

Northern Star rejected Gold Fields’ initial bid, with the Johannesburg-based group expected to come back with an improved offer.

Under the initial offer, about 73% of the consideration would comprise Gold Fields shares and 27% cash, with the cash component at $4bn.

Rating agency Moody’s on Friday said it expects Gold Fields to tap the debt market to raise a portion of the cash component, adding that the proposed transaction was credit positive for Northern Star, which has deemed the approach by Gold Fields “opportunistic”.

“The transaction would be credit positive for Northern Star if it proceeds because the company would become part of a larger, more diversified gold producer with greater operational resilience and potential cost benefits,” Moody’s said in its initial thoughts on the deal.

The debate is less about whether Northern Star is a good asset and more about whether Gold Fields can acquire it on terms that preserve sufficient upside for its own shareholders

Mish-al Emeran, portfolio manager at Abax Investments

“The implications for Northern Star’s ratings would depend on the final group structure and whether rated obligations remain outstanding following completion.

“Northern Star’s Western Australian reserves are near Gold Fields’ processing infrastructure, creating opportunities to access higher-grade feed and reduce haulage and processing costs. Execution risk would stem from Gold Fields having to integrate Northern Star while advancing a sizeable development pipeline, including its Windfall project and Northern Star’s Hemi project.”

Gold Fields has pencilled in $4bn-$5bn of post-tax net present value synergies from operating, procurement, maintenance, corporate and tax efficiencies.

Gold Fields currently operates eight mines across six countries, operations that produced 2.44m oz of gold in 2025. The company has guided for 2.4m oz to 2.6m oz in 2026.

Fraser, riding a wave of record-high gold prices, has already struck two deals over the past two years: Gold Road Resources and Osisko Mining — worth a combined $4bn.

Mish-al Emeran, portfolio manager at Abax Investments, said the geographical overlap in Western Australia was meaningful for Gold Fields, bringing about potential operating synergies.

“The market will want comfort that Gold Fields is not simply using a strong balance sheet and supportive gold price environment to pursue scale for its own sake. The concern is that scarce high-quality gold assets command high prices, and the more Gold Fields has to increase its offer, the greater the risk that the value of the synergies is effectively paid away upfront,” he said.

Emeran said the market will want to see that management is focused on returns on invested capital, not scale, and that it is prepared to walk away if the price dilutes shareholder value.

“The debate is less about whether Northern Star is a good asset and more about whether Gold Fields can acquire it on terms that preserve sufficient upside for its own shareholders,” he said.

Gold Fields’ previous CEO, Chris Griffith, stepped down in 2020 after the company’s failed takeover of Canadian miner Yamana Gold; however, Emeran believes the lesson remains relevant in that strategic logic alone is not enough.

“Large mining acquisitions can destroy value if the buyer overpays, underestimates integration risk or relies too heavily on optimistic synergy assumptions,” Emeran said.

Bruce Williamson, a mining analyst at Integral Asset Management, said Gold Fields has had a lot of success with its Western Australia gold mines.

“I have no doubt it would have no problem operating the Northern Star mines,” he said. “While there are no contiguous mining opportunities, I guess there are processing, procurement, corporate services, and certainly exploration opportunities and benefits outside of the mutual exploration opportunities.”

The planned transaction underscores Gold Fields’ ambition to create the world’s biggest gold producer and replace depleting ounces as it grapples with headwinds in Ghana.

Williamson said that from a broad commodity viewpoint it is challenging to discover and build a new 500,000oz a year gold mine, pointing to issues around permits, activists, ESG (environmental, social and governance) and communities, adding many years to finding, building and ramping up to full production.

“Given the turmoil and changing world order, I think that the gold price might hold its current level; this presents a great opportunity for Gold Fields to build its production base to 4m oz and have a proper look at the combined exploration opportunities in Australia.”

From a shareholder perspective, the deal comes months after activist shareholder Elliott Investment Management in June called for a strategic reset for Northern Star and for it to explore strategic alternatives, including a sale of the company.

The planned transaction underscores Gold Fields’ ambition to create the world’s biggest gold producer and replace depleting ounces as it grapples with headwinds in Ghana.

In April 2025, the Ghanaian government took ownership of the Damang mine after rejecting the company’s application to renew the licence, while the licence for its Tarkwa operation expires in April 2027.

Stephan Erasmus, investment analyst at Anchor, said that like most of the majors, Gold Fields has to replace what it mines, and a deal would put 80% of production in Australia, North America and Chile, arguably more stable jurisdictions.

He said that by publishing its offer, Gold Fields is already appealing to Northern Star’s shareholders, including Elliott, which wants talks.

“Northern Star objected to its shareholders being paid mostly in Gold Fields shares, so any new offer would likely need more cash. But Gold Fields’ management has stressed staying disciplined for its own shareholders, so it may simply walk away.”

Gold Fields, which operates mines including South Deep outside Johannesburg and Gruyere in Western Australia, is aiming to be a leading pure gold player.

Business Times

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Resource-rich Mozambique may grapple with rising public debt and foreign currency shortages, but the potential for further growth lies with SMEs, says Nedbank Mozambique’s MD Joel Rodrigues.

While the country’s key industries include heavy mineral sands extracted from sand dunes, coal, LNG, and aluminium, a focus on SME growth could provide more expansion.

“We need to diversify the base of the economy. But at the same time, what is the normal SME in Mozambique? It’s an SME that is run by a self-made woman or man without the knowledge to internationalise the entity,” said Rodrigues.

While SME growth is gaining traction across the country, larger local corporations are also expanding their footprint and investing in regional growth. Among the businesses financed by Nedbank Mozambique is Merec, a family-owned milling and food production company.

Founded in 1998 as a corn/maize mill, Merec owns the only industrial lines for breadmaking in Mozambique, where it remains mostly artisanal. Its distribution channels include 300 kiosks where bread is sold daily.

Mualide de Sousa, director for quality and I&D at Merec, said its main mill in the city of Beira was not only the biggest in Mozambique, it was one of the biggest in the region. It was commissioned in 2025.

Merec has two other mills in Beira. “This is why Beira has become the biggest site; this means from here we can export. We can send [bread] to the north and south. It is a strategic decision we took considering Beira’s position,” she said.

Merec has three pasta production lines in Beira and two in the capital Maputo; and the plan is that by next year another pasta line will be opened in Nacala, in northern Mozambique.

De Sousa said because the group does not produce wheat, it imports it and has significant storage capacity. “Having the capacity to store wheat means we can bring in vessels every 45 days. We have sufficient storage to keep us going even if something happens. We can still have a buffer stock. Without it we would be without our main raw material,” she said.

Because the quality of wheat from South Africa does not serve the group, Merec imports high-quality wheat from markets including Canada and Russia. It has silos at the Port of Maputo, which improves efficiencies.

“We are not only increasing the capacity of the silos, but we also have a project where we are putting in railways to serve inland countries,” she said.

Since 1998 Merec has expanded into biscuits and pasta. Its pasta division has one of the strongest local brands, Bela.

De Sousa said the group created a market for pasta in a country where staples include xima, a porridge made from maize flour, and matapa made from crushed cassava, by appealing to the youth market. She said young people found pasta more convenient after a long day at work.

Merec currently exports its pasta from Beira to Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi. It produces Bela, an entry-level pasta, and Davinci a premium pasta made from durum wheat.

It is more expensive to bring a truck from Beira to Maputo than to bring a ship from Argentina to Maputo per tonne

Luis Aveleira, executive board advisor at Merec

Merec also exports the Bela brand to South Africa from its Maputo plant, and soon it will be exporting the brand to the Middle East

Luis Aveleira, executive board adviser at Merec, said logistics were a problem in Mozambique. “It is more expensive to bring a truck from Beira to Maputo than to bring a ship from Argentina to Maputo per tonne. It is the quality of the infrastructure. Our fuel is expensive, but it is still half of the international price,” he said.

Nedbank in Mozambique previously operated as Banco Único until it rebranded in 2021 and is now the sixth-biggest bank in the country. The expansion into the country was part of diversifying into the rest of the continent. It has 15 branches covering major cities including Maputo, Beira, Nampula and Nacala.

Rodrigues said while Mozambique had short-term challenges, the long-term fundamentals remain strong. He said the country’s strengths included how it had been supportive of the South African economy, pointing to the Port of Maputo becoming an alternative for South African exports.

He said Nedbank was bullish about Mozambique in the next five years, even considering all the challenges it faces. “We should not confuse short-term challenges with long-term value, long-term growth,” said Rodrigues.

“Sometimes the only news is not so good news, because people tend not to comment more on that kind of news. But I also think that everyone has a role building up the story of the country. So, if we can support that, we are more than happy to do it.”

Mozambique, with a population of 36-million, generates the bulk of its revenue from agriculture and gas extraction, including mega gas projects that have attracted billions in investments.

• Faku was a Nedbank guest during a media tour to Maputo

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Even as new vehicle sales continue to grow at a double-digit pace, at least one car sector leader believes the data reveal alarming trends that show the severe pressure on the sector, and motorists.

Bobby Ramagwede, CEO of the Automobile Association of South Africa, told Business Times this week that the car sector cannot be expected to save the beleaguered South African steel industry, as the sector itself is in dire straits.

“The challenge that we’re faced with right now is the lack of real central planning. It’s been a point that we’ve raised for a while, [albeit] not vocally enough. We, unfortunately, if you take ArcelorMittal out of the equation, are not in a position to bring in rolls of steel any cheaper than anywhere else in the world.”

Ramagwede told a Nedbank-Automechanika media roundtable in Cape Town, that the local market does not have any fabricators of steel other than Allied Steelrode, the biggest for the automotive and construction industries.

“Allowing that industry to fall flat on its face is going to have downstream implications. So, auto sector aside, you’re going to see these ripple effects creep into other industries that rely on steel, specifically construction.

“So, the question we often ask ourselves is, in a world where we cannot source our own steel, or cannot produce our own steel, and cannot source it cheaply, what direction are we taking as a country?”

The Automotive Business Council (Naamsa) reported this week that the local car sector achieved 61,645 in domestic sales in September, representing a 12.7% increase compared with 54,706 units sold in September 2025.

Ramagwede said that while new vehicle sales seem healthy, there is a strong leaning towards entry-level vehicles, indicating consumer income strain.

“I’m often quoted as a guy who walks into a room and says that the emperor is naked. And indeed, the emperor is naked. Of concern to both myself and the Automobile Association is the direction in which the auto industry is headed and whether or not South Africa has got a good handle on what’s coming.

Naamsa’s figures showed that South Africa recorded 305,899 new passenger vehicle sales in the year to August, up 13.5% from the 269,400 recorded in the same period last year

“It looks good, it looks rosy, you’ve got some great Naamsa figures, but when you scratch beneath the surface, there’s a story that’s emerging. And that story is quite concerning. Most of the vehicles that are being sold, whose stats are being published, are entry-level vehicles.”

Naamsa’s figures showed that South Africa recorded 305,899 new passenger vehicle sales in the year to August, up 13.5% from the 269,400 recorded in the same period last year.

According to its report, 422,459 passenger vehicles were sold in 2025. This was higher than the 351,553 sold in 2024 and the 347,367 in 2023, but both these last two figures were lower than the 363,682 sold in 2022.

South Africa is allowing things to fall flat, Ramagwede said, but holding the same policy regime in place while “paying a double whammy” because it costs a lot of money to import steel, but it also costs a lot of money to import steel fabricators.

On the consumer side, TransUnion’s Industry Insights report for the second quarter of 2026 said South Africa’s consumer credit market remained resilient, but growth was becoming increasingly selective, segmented and dependent on how consumers manage affordability.

“Vehicle buyers are placing greater emphasis on financing costs, fuel efficiency and total cost of ownership, while lenders across multiple products are increasingly focused on managing exposure, credit limits and portfolio quality. The result is a market where growth remains achievable but is becoming increasingly dependent on product design, affordability management and risk discipline.

“Demand for credit remains evident across major products, yet both consumers and lenders are adapting to a more complex operating environment. Rather than withdrawing from the market, consumers continue to seek credit, mobility and household spending solutions, although they’re becoming more deliberate in how they access and use them.”

The report said lenders are increasingly balancing growth opportunities against affordability and portfolio risk, and that rising sales and appetite for new finance solutions show the market is more value-conscious than demand-constrained.

“The Mobility Insights Report showed passenger vehicle sales increased 15.8% year on year during [the second quarter], while Chinese manufacturers continued to gain market share through competitively priced vehicles and strong value propositions.

“At the same time, consumers showed growing interest in technologies that could reduce long-term ownership costs, with hybrid vehicles emerging as an increasingly attractive alternative for consumers focused on fuel efficiency and operating costs.”

Charles Dednam, general secretary of the South African Iron and Steel Institute, recently told parliament that the local steel industry remained in distress and that steel production has dropped 18% since 2018.

Acting deputy director-general of sectors at the department of trade, industry and competition, Tebogo Makube, said the Newcastle Amsa steel plant remains under care and maintenance. The department has temporarily allowed importation to support inputs into the car sector.

Business Times

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The state-owned special risk insurer, the South African Special Risk Insurance Association (Sasria), is inching closer to its R30bn reserve target after the 2021 riots, and could reach it as soon as 2029.

Finance minister Enoch Godongwana said Sasria’s R5.2bn profit and R23.8bn reserves protect the economy against the lasting damage of systemic unrest, and restore Sasria’s capacity to respond to future catastrophic events.

“In respect of capital strength, the National Treasury commends Sasria’s strategic objective of reaching R30bn in own funds. Retaining earnings to rebuild this buffer is important because it strengthens Sasria’s resilience and ultimately protects the fiscus,” he said.

“On [its capacity], there are serious cases for examining whether the risks Sasria carries should extend beyond politically motivated unrest to climate-related and agricultural perils, which are increasingly systemic and from which conventional insurance markets are retreating.”

Sasria board chair Nolwandle Mgoqi said the accumulated loss that had weighed on the balance sheet since the events of July 2021 had been fully reversed.

“The company now carries positive retained earnings of R1.8bn. This represents an important milestone in Sasria’s recovery and reflects the disciplined execution of the strategy, prudent financial management and the sustained commitment of the organisation’s people,” she said.

Sasria has effectively closed the chapter on the July 2021 unrest, with only R77m in claims remaining open from total losses of R31.3bn. This represents substantial closure of a difficult period, achieved alongside the rebuilding of the balance sheet

Enoch Godongwana, finance minister

Work also continued on the reintroduction of wrap cover, which became effective on 1 April 2026, she said. “The arrangement has been structured so that Sasria retains 20% of the risk, with the balance ceded to reinsurers. Work also continues on the proposed enhancement of ministerial powers to provide greater clarity regarding Sasria’s mandate.”

The arrest of then president Jacob Zuma in 2021 triggered protests in KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng and Mpumalanga, causing an estimated R50bn in damages.

However, according to Sasria’s integrated report for 2025/26, the insurer recorded a profit of R5.2bn and ended the year with reserves of R23.8bn, marking continued progress in rebuilding its capital base following the events of July 2021.

Godongwana said Sasria had assessed the pricing, reinsurance and operational implications at a preliminary level, and that the work was under consideration. A broader mandate had to be matched by capital, reinsurance capacity and the actuarial discipline.

“Sasria has effectively closed the chapter on the July 2021 unrest, with only R77m in claims remaining open from total losses of R31.3bn. This represents substantial closure of a difficult period, achieved alongside the rebuilding of the balance sheet,” he said

The minister said the pressures that shape Sasria’s operating environment remained firmly in place, including strained municipal service delivery, failing water infrastructure, labour unrest, youth unemployment and protests against undocumented immigrants — pressures no economy could absorb indefinitely.

“The local government elections of November 2026 fall within the year ahead. Government expects that Sasria will continue to strengthen its risk intelligence, extend affordable cover to the small and medium enterprises least able to absorb a loss, and price its products so that this cover remains within reach.”

Growth outpaced the market with premium up 9.2%, exceeding a budget of R6.2bn, and our transformation mandate was carried through R43.7m of CSI investment focused on education and skills development

Mpumi Tyikwe, Sasria CEO

He said comparable institutions in Spain, the UK, the US and Australia assisted private markets to carry risks, while the role of the respective states remained, making certainty possible where the private market could not.

Sasria CEO Mpumi Tyikwe said the company grew gross written premium by 9.2% to R6.4bn, achieved nine of its 11 key performance indicators and recorded a profit of R5.2bn, taking equity to R23.8bn at year-end.

“The growth in equity is critical to building reserves to withstand future catastrophic events like the one experienced in July 2021, which caused claims of R31.3bn over 10 days. The year was the second of Vision 2029, our strategy to build a resilient, relevant and sustainable special risk insurer with reserves of R30bn by 2029. At R23.8bn of equity, we are firmly on that path,” he said.

Capital was strengthened through earnings and a fully subscribed reinsurance programme for the first time in three years, he said. Predictive capability was also being built through the data and intelligence programme.

“Growth outpaced the market with premium up 9.2%, exceeding a budget of R6.2bn, and our transformation mandate was carried through R43.7m of CSI investment focused on education and skills development.”

Insurance expenses decreased by 20%, and the combined ratio of 40.0% was well within the 80% target. The claims function settled 93% of claims within the targeted turnaround time — against a target of 85% — and no claims were overturned by the ombudsman during the year.

The investment portfolio returned 7.51% gross against a benchmark of 5.47%, generating net investment income of R1.3bn. The net reinsurance expense increased by 91% to R1.1bn, reflecting the increased quota-share ceding rate.

Business Times

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South African households are shopping more often but buying fewer items on each trip as consumers take an increasingly selective approach to managing grocery budgets while changing how they prepare and consume food.

New findings from consumer research organisation Worldpanel by Numerator’s “Plate of the Nation” report show the South African fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) market reached R422bn in the 12 months to June 2026, growing 2.3% in value. Volume growth was just 1.3%, while overall household consumption remained broadly flat.

The change was evident in shopping behaviour. Households made an average of 108 grocery trips during the year, up from 105 a year earlier. At the same time, the number of packs purchased per trip fell from 6.55 to 6.37, while average pack size declined by 0.5%.

Vanessa Hall, commercial growth partner at Worldpanel by Numerator South Africa, said households were becoming more deliberate about how they allocated grocery spending.

“The story is not simply that consumers are managing their spend. They are becoming much more selective about how they spend, and that is changing the composition of the basket,” Hall said.

The longer-term trend points to ongoing pressure on consumers. Hall said lower-income households had largely maintained spending levels despite inflation, effectively buying less volume over time.

“Households have absolutely been buying less. That decline has slowed down, and we’re now flat,” she said.

Growth is increasingly concentrated in products that save time and effort

Food, which accounts for about 62% of the tracked grocery basket, is showing slightly stronger momentum. The market was worth R260bn in the year to June, with value growth of 2.4% and volume growth of 1.8%. Households bought about 0.5% more food volume than a year earlier.

Growth is increasingly concentrated in products that save time and effort. Instant noodles recorded an 11.5% increase in volume per buyer, while bread and breakfast cereal volumes rose 1.3% and 1.9%, respectively. By contrast, products associated with longer preparation times declined, including flour, down 6.8%, and pasta, down 4.6%.

Hall said the shift was also visible in prepared frozen poultry products such as nuggets and steaklets that can be quickly cooked in an air fryer. Household penetration of prepared frozen poultry increased from 18.7% in 2024 to 23.3% in 2026, while non-prepared frozen poultry declined.

The trend may also suggest consumers are eating at home more often, although Worldpanel does not have data showing whether restaurant spending has fallen.

“What we are seeing is this growth in convenience,” Hall said. “If it’s saving me time, but actually also saving me money because I would have been eating out, then potentially people are eating out less and bringing more in-home.”

She said products such as grocery-store frozen pies appeared to offer consumers a cheaper substitute for some out-of-home meals.

The report shows that convenience, however, does not mean consumers are sacrificing taste.

Flavour enhancers account for 10.5% of food value, while hot-sauce penetration increased from 45.5% of households in 2024 to 52.3% in 2026. Marinade penetration rose from 25% to 29.4%, and the average number of table-sauce varieties bought per household increased from 2.9 to 3.1.

“South Africans still want flavour, but they just want it easier,” Hall said.

The market is flat in terms of volume, but there is absolutely growth when you’re meeting the needs of shoppers

Vanessa Hall, Worldpanel by Numerator SA commercial growth partner

Eggs and dairy have also emerged as key growth categories. Together they accounted for 16.3% of food value in June 2026, up from 14.9% two years earlier.

Egg penetration increased from 82.5% of households in 2024 to 88.1% in 2026, while annual volume per buyer rose from 183 to 234 eggs.

Milk consumption is also shifting away from fresh milk towards UHT milk and milk alternatives.

Health-focused products are another growth area, particularly among higher-income consumers. A basket that includes products such as oats, honey and milk alternatives recorded 12% household-level volume growth, despite remaining a relatively small R4.7bn segment.

Consumers are also not abandoning treats altogether. Snacking spend continues to rise gradually, with salty snacks increasing their share of category volume from 35.7% two years ago to 38% in 2026.

For manufacturers and retailers, Hall said the challenge is finding growth in a market where overall household volumes remain flat.

“The market is flat in terms of volume, but there is absolutely growth when you’re meeting the needs of shoppers,” she said.

The research is based on a panel of 6,500 South African households that record purchases through an app by scanning products and uploading receipts. It covers purchases across both modern and traditional retail channels.

Hall said the findings reflect a consumer weighing price, convenience, time, taste and health in increasingly connected purchasing decisions.

“Products that save me time, make it easy to get flavour and are healthy” are increasingly meeting those needs, she said.

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The department of communications & digital technologies will get a second chance at drafting a white paper on artificial intelligence next month, after the previous iteration was exposed as an AI-generated document riddled with hallucinations.

Communications & digital technologies deputy minister Mondli Gungubele said he had been told the final draft was due for ministerial input before the end of November, ahead of going to the cabinet by the end of the financial year.

“My understanding is it’s at an advanced stage … I was briefed three weeks ago … before it goes to [the relevant ministerial] clusters, and then finally to cabinet [before the end of] November,” Gungubele told Business Times this week.

Earlier this year, the AI draft policy was released but was found to have been generated using AI, including hallucinated citations, prompting communications & digital technologies minister Solly Malatsi to withdraw it.

Gungubele was speaking on the sidelines of Bloomberg’s 2026 Africa Business Media Innovators (ABMI) gathering in Hermanus in the Western Cape on Monday. During a panel discussion at the event, he was grilled about whether the government would allow Elon Musk’s SpaceX access to the South African market — and on what terms.

Asked whether he was concerned about the apparent fixation on SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet service provider entering the local internet market — despite South Africa having about 140 internet service and infrastructure companies — Gungubele said such questions were inevitable. He pointed out that many multinational companies operated in South Africa and had no problem complying with the country’s laws and policies.

Africa’s digital economy by the year 2035 is estimated to bring in over $700bn [R11.7bn]. That digital economy will largely be driven by AI. We have rules. We have a protocol on digital trade that enables investment in new technologies, emerging technologies

Wamkele Mene, AfCFTA secretary-general

“We always expect that, especially at an international forum like this ... The problem is that people don’t want us to talk about multinational corporations; they want us to talk about Starlink,” he said. “There are a lot of multinational corporations in South Africa who are working well with our policies.”

Gungubele said a failure by countries to agree, bilaterally or multilaterally, on how AI should be managed and regulated could lead to a lot of “mischief” by malefactors. At the same time, he said developing AI capacity had become an imperative for economic modernisation and national sovereignty.

“If you accept that you want to leapfrog in terms of economic transformation, AI is critical. There’s no doubt that cabinet is interested in exploiting the potential of AI. But what cabinet is awaiting is the tabling of the policy. You know, AI is already operating in South Africa, with or without policy, but the policy is there to ensure that it operates within the confines.”

During the panel discussion, Gungubele said Starlink would enhance the government’s ambitions to expand connectivity but urged Musk to respect the nation’s equity laws in the process.

“There’s a lot of private operators in Africa … We always need more. That’s why the president is ... saying we are ready. [Recently] in Greece, the president was saying we’re ready for business.”

Musk has been highly critical of broad-based BEE as a policy that aims to address past economic injustices by making patterns of ownership more representative of the country’s demographic, even going as far as calling it “racist”.

Gungubele said it would be beneficial if Musk stopped to consider the urgent need for South Africa’s patterns of economic ownership to be transformed.

“It should not be ridiculous, therefore, to say, when we invest here, can you get along with us, walk with us in this journey of improving, minimising inequality, reducing all the discriminatory laws and all the affinities that are unequal. We are saying, for instance, 30% here.”

According to a paper by Maria Lungu of the University of Virginia and Kennesaw State University, African governments’ growing reliance on foreign vendors for AI-enabled surveillance raises questions about enforcing constitutional protections when such systems remain technically and legally beyond domestic oversight.

Lungu states: “The theoretical contribution is the concept of the algorithmic sovereignty gap, which names the persistent disjunction between constitutional guarantees and the operational realities of vendor-controlled tools.”

Wamkele Mene, secretary-general of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), told Business Times that the continent’s digital infrastructure requirements were a significant challenge but also an opportunity to grow its economies and provide skills and jobs to young Africans.

“Africa’s digital economy by the year 2035 is estimated to bring in over $700bn [R11.7bn],” he said. “That digital economy will largely be driven by AI. We have rules. We have a protocol on digital trade that enables investment in new technologies, emerging technologies.”

Mene said Africa would need more than 700 data centres by 2035, but for now these centres were concentrated in Cape Town, Lagos and Nairobi.

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Rainbow Chicken, South Africa’s largest poultry producer, has urged the government to help the industry access foreign markets, arguing that exports are the key to long-term growth.

The company, which supplies KFC, Chicken Licken, Hungry Lion, Nando’s, Shoprite, Boxer, Pick n Pay and Spar, among others, said the industry needs the government to create an enabling environment to penetrate the lucrative export market.

Company chair Pieter Louw used his annual letter to shareholders to drive the point home. “South Africa’s next phase of poultry growth will increasingly depend on the ability to export. Expanding export opportunities will require government support to unlock markets and assist with overcoming veterinary and other barriers and regulatory requirements,” he wrote.

“While South Africa has benefited from reduced poultry imports in certain categories, mechanically deboned meat and offal remain structurally important in the domestic market. Trade policy uncertainty continues to be a concern, including import controls, anti-dumping duties, disease-related restrictions, and the future of trade arrangements such as the African Growth & Opportunity Act (Agoa).

“Although AGOA has been extended to December 31 2028, its longer-term future remains uncertain. Our view is that a fair, predictable and consistently applied trade policy is essential to protecting local production capacity, employment, and food security.”

South Africa’s continued participation in Agoa has come under scrutiny as the relationship between Pretoria and Washington deteriorates.

US secretary of state Marco Rubio last month announced visa restrictions targeting South Africans the US regards as complicit in uncompensated land seizures, race-based discrimination, or inciting racial violence — talking points pushed by domestic actors such as AfriForum.

South Africa is a major net importer of chicken, ranking in the top 10 importers of Brazilian poultry.

A major complaint raised by agricultural bodies is the billions lost due to state-level administrative delays. Failure to streamline veterinary certification, delayed export approvals and rigorous sanitary protocols keep South African meat products locked out of prospective markets.

Marthinus Stander, CEO of Rainbow, told investors and stakeholders the poultry industry is a national asset as it supports food security — especially in the form of affordable protein — creates employment, sustains small towns and rural economies and supports the agricultural sector by driving demand for maize and soya.

We are proud of the role we play in the sector, not only as one of the largest producers, but also for our targeted efforts on integration and development

Marthinus Stander, Rainbow CEO

Stander stressed that exports are important for growth. “Africa is a particularly important area as part of our long-term growth ambition outside of South Africa.” The industry has invested in quality assurance systems and customer-centred capabilities “to ensure we meet the standards required in international markets”.

“We are proud of the role we play in the sector, not only as one of the largest producers, but also for our targeted efforts on integration and development. We continue to support small-scale farmers and broader participation in the poultry value chain through integrated initiatives that improve access to affordable, high-quality chicks, feed and technical expertise,” Stander said.

“These initiatives align with our belief that a sustainable poultry sector must be inclusive, competitive, and capable of supporting both national food security and economic development. Following the substantial import replacement since 2018, the scope for further growth through import substitution is increasingly limited.”

The Competition Commission a year ago launched its comprehensive poultry market inquiry to examine potential market distortions, high concentration, and structural barriers across the poultry and egg value chains.

The commission noted that South Africa’s poultry sector is highly concentrated, with Rainbow and three other major producers — Astral Foods, Country Bird and Sovereign — controlling nearly 63% of domestic production. The watchdog raised concerns that vertical integration creates barriers to entry for independent, small-scale, and historically disadvantaged farmers.

Louw said transformation must be practical, commercially viable and supported by co-ordinated action across the public and private sectors.

“While we support the importance of affordability, consumer outcomes, transformation, and fair competition, it is crucial to recognise that integration and scale are central to low-cost, reliable supply,” he said.

“The significant progress made by the industry on global competitiveness also benefits the small-scale producers with access to the same genetics, technical support, and affordable day-old chicks. Ultimately, consumers benefit from an efficient and inclusive industry that improves food security and provides safe, affordable and nutritious protein nationwide.”

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South African consumers are becoming more selective about how they use credit, while lenders are growing increasingly cautious about who they lend to, according to a report.

TransUnion’s second-quarter 2026 Consumer Credit Industry Insights Report paints a picture of a credit market that remains resilient but one increasingly shaped by affordability pressures and diverging borrower behaviour.

While demand for credit remains evident across credit cards, personal loans, vehicle finance, home loans and retail credit, lenders are placing greater emphasis on portfolio quality and consumers’ ability to absorb additional debt.

“Rather than withdrawing from the market, consumers continue to seek credit, mobility and household spending solutions, although they’re becoming more deliberate in how they access and use them,” TransUnion said.

The credit card market highlights this shift. Active credit card accounts rose 4.6% year on year to 7.7-million in the second quarter, while outstanding balances increased 6.9% to R199.3bn. Yet new account originations fell 16.8% to 221,500. At the same time, the average credit line on newly opened accounts increased 8.2% to R24,600.

The combination of fewer new accounts and higher credit limits suggests lenders remain willing to extend meaningful credit, but only to carefully selected borrowers. Growth is increasingly being driven by existing customers rather than the aggressive acquisition of new ones.

The data suggests banks are growing through larger-value lending to stronger borrowers, while non-bank lenders are serving consumers seeking smaller amounts of short-term liquidity

A similar divergence is evident in the personal loan market, where banks and non-bank lenders are following different paths.

Bank personal loan originations increased 7.7% year on year, while outstanding balances rose 8.9%. Average new loan values climbed 9.2%, and balance-level delinquency improved substantially.

Non-bank lenders, by contrast, recorded faster growth. Originations jumped 21.3%, while the number of consumers carrying balances increased 12.7%. However, the average loan size declined 5.9%, indicating growing demand for smaller loans. Repayment performance also weakened, with balance-level delinquency increasing by 636 basis points year on year.

The data suggests banks are growing through larger-value lending to stronger borrowers, while non-bank lenders are serving consumers seeking smaller amounts of short-term liquidity.

Vehicle finance has remained relatively resilient. Outstanding balances increased 8% year on year to R604.8bn, supported by a 5.5% rise in average new loan values. However, origination growth was modest at 1.1%.

According to TransUnion, consumers are increasingly weighing financing costs, fuel efficiency and overall ownership costs when purchasing vehicles. The shift suggests affordability concerns are influencing buying decisions rather than suppressing demand altogether.

The housing market reveals a different trend. Home loan originations declined 10.5% year on year, while the number of mortgage accounts fell 4.6% and consumers carrying balances dropped 7.5%. Despite this, outstanding mortgage balances increased 4.6% and average balances rose 9.6%.

The figures indicate a market increasingly concentrated among higher-income borrowers able to afford larger property purchases. TransUnion noted that prime and above-prime consumers accounted for a growing share of mortgage activity, while participation among lower-risk tiers moderated.

Retail credit presents a mixed picture.

Clothing credit remained relatively strong, with accounts increasing 6.6% and active consumers rising 7.9%. Although new account originations declined 7.8%, total credit lines expanded 12.4%, suggesting retailers continue to extend credit to existing customers.

Retail instalment credit faced greater pressure. The number of consumers carrying balances fell 13.9%, and originations declined 10.3%, while delinquency worsened and balance-level delinquency rose by 150 basis points.

Retail revolving credit moved in the opposite direction. Although accounts and balances declined, delinquency improved significantly, suggesting a smaller but healthier borrower base.

Taken together, the data does not point to consumers abandoning credit. Instead, it suggests households are becoming more deliberate about the type of credit they use, while lenders are focusing less on growth in volumes and more on sustainable lending.

“As the market becomes more segmented, competitive advantage is likely to depend less on expanding exposure and more on understanding where growth is occurring, how sustainable it is and which consumers have the capacity to absorb additional credit responsibly,” said TransUnion.

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The Presidency has withdrawn a bill proposing the creation of the State Asset Management SOC (Samsoc), a centralised holding company to oversee and manage strategic state-owned enterprises, after criticism that it fails to address the financial and organisational challenges at key national entities.

The department of planning, monitoring & evaluation (DPME), led by minister in the Presidency Maropene Ramokgopa, quietly withdrew the bill without putting forward reasons for the action.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s office referred Business Times to the DPME, which declined to provide reasons for the withdrawal of a bill the presidency has championed for more than three years.

The implementation of the bill would have seen the ownership and control of key SOEs such as Eskom, Denel, the South African Post Office, Transnet, Prasa, the Land Bank, Airports Company South Africa and SAA, among others, centralised in Samsoc.

The National State Enterprises Bill was first published for public comment in September 2023, drawing comments from members of the public, businesses and lenders.

Critics of the bill, including businesses and bondholders, argued that a single holding company offered no protection against the risk of political interference in the administration of SOEs.

That many SOEs are financially and operationally challenged is undisputed. That some of the laws in our legislative framework need review and possible overhaul to be fit for purpose is also undisputed

Olga Constantatos, Futuregrowth’s head of credit

The bill, according to critics, also blurred the lines of accountability and decision-making between the board of Samsoc and the underlying subsidiary boards, with key decisions such as capital expenditure and allocation sitting with the holding company — functions that are normally in the domain of the subsidiary company’s board.

Another concern was that Samsoc and its subsidiaries would not be subject to the Public Finance Management Act, elevating misgivings over political interference and a lack of transparency in the procurement and financial management systems applicable to commercial SOEs — with the history of state capture still fresh in the minds of South Africans.

The business argument was also that the bill’s exclusive state shareholding stifled the potential for private sector participation or the exploration of public-private partnerships.

The last iteration of the bill was published in December 2024, with a deadline of the end of February 2025 for comments.

Old Mutual’s fixed income investor Futuregrowth, which has a large exposure to SOEs’ bonds, has been a consistent commentator on the different iterations of the bill.

“That many SOEs are financially and operationally challenged is undisputed. That some of the laws in our legislative framework need review and possible overhaul to be fit for purpose is also undisputed,” said Olga Constantatos, Futuregrowth’s head of credit.

“What we are struggling to understand is how this new piece of legislation outlined in this bill fits within the existing legislative framework and what problem it is intended to solve.

Eskom and Transnet, which are indispensable to South Africa, have been showing green shoots over the past few years, despite still being heavily reliant on state guarantees to stay afloat

“In and of itself, we fail to understand how inserting an additional law and another statutory legal entity to govern SOEs will achieve the outcomes articulated in the bill without also simultaneously reviewing all other legislation applicable to SOEs to test (and possibly amend) for ongoing relevance, alignment with the shareholder’s objectives and consistency as between each other.”

The DPME last year requested R615m from the National Treasury, saying this would be seed capital for the holding company for the first three years, and that thereafter its operations would be funded from dividends to be received from subsidiaries of the holding company.

Eskom and Transnet, which are indispensable to South Africa, have been showing green shoots over the past few years, despite still being heavily reliant on state guarantees to stay afloat.

Eskom last month reported a profit after tax of R30.3bn for the financial year ending March 2026, the second consecutive year the group has been in the black and more than doubling the R14bn profit recorded in the previous financial year.

Minister of electricity & energy Kgosientsho Ramokgopa has laid down the law for Eskom, saying the taxpayer will no longer dish out multibillion-rand bailouts and will not accept aggressive tariff hikes under the Eskom 2.0 blueprint.

Transnet swung to a profit of R4.6bn in the year ended March — the first time it reported a profit in four years.

The likes of Prasa and Denel are yet to turn the corner, while the South African Post Office had a near-death experience. The government is again looking for a private equity partner for the troubled SAA.

Most of South Africa’s SOEs previously reported to the defunct department of public enterprises.

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Cell C says worsening consumer finances and changing customer expectations are reshaping the telecommunications industry, with affordability and digital engagement becoming increasingly important drivers of competition.

In its latest integrated annual report, the mobile operator said persistently weak economic growth, high unemployment and cost-of-living pressures were making consumers more price sensitive and placing growing pressure on telecommunications providers to deliver affordable services while protecting margins.

“These conditions have intensified price sensitivity among customers, driving demand for affordable connectivity solutions and value-based propositions,” the company said.

Cell C has spent several years restructuring its operations and implementing an asset-light strategy centred on roaming partnerships and wholesale growth. The annual report suggests the next battleground in the sector will be more about how operators respond to increasingly demanding and financially constrained consumers.

According to the company, customers now expect telecommunications providers to offer the same seamless digital experiences they receive from banks, retailers and other tech-driven businesses. Digital self-service channels, personalised offers, AI-enabled engagement, real-time support and omnichannel experiences are becoming central elements of customer acquisition and retention strategies.

Cell C said changing customer expectations were encouraging operators to simplify products, reduce friction and use data-driven insights to develop more relevant offerings that balance affordability and value. “[We] respond to changing economic conditions and evolving customer expectations by placing affordability, simplicity and digital engagement at the centre of its customer strategy,” the report said.

Management said the company would focus on personalised products and offers, seamless customer experiences and the use of customer insights to develop new propositions.

The mobile operator, which completed its listing in November last year, has reiterated its ambitious growth strategy that centres on prepaid expansion, wholesale services, enterprise offerings and a rapidly growing mobile virtual network operator (MVNO) business.

“Our strategy, executed between 2023 and 2026, created the stability to reset the business. As we move into our next strategic horizon to 2030, our strategy seeks to embed our position as South Africa’s most agile, customer-led, capital-efficient connectivity platform. Here, our growth is underpinned by a diversified platform spanning four lines of business: prepaid, postpaid, wholesale and other revenue (including enterprise),” it said.

Cell C has positioned itself as the ‘home of MVNOs’, providing network infrastructure to retailers, banks and consumer brands that offer mobile services under their own names

At the end of its financial year in May, Cell C had a total of 8.9-million subscribers. Its MVNO numbers were 5.7-million.

Cell C has positioned itself as the “home of MVNOs”, providing network infrastructure to retailers, banks and consumer brands that offer mobile services under their own names. The model allows the company to grow without the customer acquisition costs typically associated with traditional telecoms operators.

“Cell C views the MVNO market’s growth as an important long-term opportunity, enabling the company to reach new customer segments. Cell C’s relationship with MVNO partners has evolved well beyond that of a traditional wholesale provider. Cell C supports its partners with technology platforms, commercial models and product innovation to enable them to grow their businesses,” the report said.

CEO Jorge Mendes said the company is “prioritising the expansion of our enterprise offerings, a segment in which Cell C has historically had a limited presence, but we see significant opportunities”.

On the regulatory front, Cell C said the landscape continues to evolve in response to technological innovation, increasing competition and changing market structures.

Key regulatory developments include proposed amendments to the Electronic Communications Act, reforms to national roaming, future spectrum licensing and renewal, evolving spectrum management approaches, and discussions on regulating the rapidly growing MVNO market.

“These developments could reshape competitive dynamics by promoting greater infrastructure sharing, more efficient spectrum utilisation and broader market participation.”

The company said there was still regulatory uncertainty about such isssues as spectrum renewal and low earth orbit satellite connectivity, transparent, technology-neutral and pro-competitive rules would support innovation and investment.

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With South Africa’s sky-high electricity prices having decimated industrial demand, Eskom has turned to cryptocurrency miners to offset losses in sales — offering them tariff relief as it moves to implement its pilot to provide electricity to the sector.

Eskom’s plan is to let cryptocurrency miners and other flexible-load customers use the country’s excess electricity, with the power utility — which still supplies 80% of South Africa’s energy — proposing a benchmark tariff of R1.20 per kilowatt-hour (kWh) for participating customers.

Eskom expects 2028 to be a watershed year for its operations and anticipates sitting on excessive extra capacity as renewable energy projects come on stream — surplus capacity it is looking to sell to cryptocurrency miners at a reduced price.

The utility’s scenario planning shows it will be saddled with five terawatt-hours (TWh) of surplus energy, which is enough to power about 450,000 average South African households for an entire year.

In a public document, the National Energy Regulator of South Africa (Nersa) says that while cryptocurrency mining has evolved into an energy-intensive industrial activity that can both challenge and support electricity-system stability, it may, if unmanaged, place additional pressure on system capacity, increase emissions and create pricing distortions.

Nersa, which is mulling the tariff relief proposed by Eskom, says two cryptocurrency companies have already shown an interest in participating in the pilot launched by the power utility.

South Africa’s electricity prices have surged more than 800% since 2007, putting significant pressure on households and industry

“Eskom has proposed a two-year pilot tariff aimed primarily at new, high-load and flexible customers, including cryptocurrency-mining operations. The proposed tariff is intended to test whether a differentiated tariff structure can encourage consumption during periods of surplus electricity availability while discouraging consumption during periods of system constraint and peak demand,” the regulator says.

“Eskom’s application is informed by generation-production planning and National Transmission Company South Africa (NTCSA) system studies indicating periods of substantial surplus energy, particularly during periods of high photovoltaic (PV) generation and low demand.

“The proposed pilot seeks to provide a mechanism through which flexible loads can consume energy that might otherwise be curtailed while generating incremental revenue for Eskom. The proposed pilot would apply for 24 months and would incorporate time-of-use pricing and location-based pricing signals, with the applicable electricity price determined by the voltage category, transmission zone and operating period.”

South Africa’s electricity prices have surged more than 800% since 2007, putting significant pressure on households and industry.

The data from Eskom’s 2025/26 annual report, published last month, shows industrial demand plunged 22% (R8.8bn) in the past year because smelters curtailed production as electricity costs gobbled up about 40% of costs.

While industrial demand has plunged, the cost of energy for South Africa’s miners and industrial stalwarts has surged, with the sector paying a combined R115bn for electricity in the 2025/26 financial year, nearly R50bn more than they paid in the 2021 financial year.

To assuage a plunge in industrial demand, Eskom has been entering into negotiated price agreements (NPAs) to provide relief to high-energy users in a bid to save thousands of jobs, the latest being the country’s last remaining manganese alloy smelter, Transalloys.

Nersa has admitted that the NPAs — originally designed to protect trade-exposed heavy industries such as smelters — have not been the economic panacea they were intended to be

In June Nersa approved a new electricity tariff framework that provides a cumulative 54% discount on power rates for the Glencore-Merafe Chrome Venture and Samancor Chrome compared to their late-2025 pricing.

The regulator in August granted a special discounted base tariff for the Manganese Metal Company (MMC), the world’s largest non-Chinese producer of selenium-free electrolytic manganese metal.

ArcelorMittal South Africa, which spent R3.5bn in the past financial year on electricity, has also asked for tariff relief.

Nersa has admitted that the NPAs — originally designed to protect trade-exposed heavy industries such as smelters — have not been the economic panacea they were intended to be.

A new report by Bloomberg shows the yawning gap between the cost of electricity in China versus South Africa, which has handed Beijing a competitive advantage in its mass industrial expansion. The study by Bloomberg found industrial electricity prices reached R1,652/MWh in 2025, compared with R964/MWh in China, while weak rail performance continues to constrain mining and exports.

Nersa shed further light on the crypto companies that have raised their hand for Eskom’s pilot. “Two cryptocurrency-mining companies have expressed interest in connecting to Eskom’s network, with combined initial demand of approximately 10MW and potential expansion of up to 500MW,” it said.

“These operations are characterised by flexible, containerised infrastructure and a willingness, subject to technical and commercial feasibility, to locate near generation facilities such as Grootvlei Power Station. The applicants have also indicated potential ancillary community-development initiatives.”

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South Africa’s failing municipalities, marred by what seem like insurmountable financial and governance challenges, have been a drag on the national and local economies for well over a decade, stretching across several administrations.

Major economic hubs such as Johannesburg, which accounts for R16 of every R100 produced in the country, face gradual decline, dragging down broader national GDP growth.

Several failures have become common across many of the country’s 257 councils:

• weak financial management and revenue collection;
• failure to maintain infrastructure;
• ineffective supply chain management;
• irregular and wasteful spending; and
• weak consequence management.

A report released this week by the department of co-operative governance & traditional affairs — under the political leadership of Velenkosini Hlabisa — lays bare the entrenched lack of consequence management in local government, with North West emerging as the most errant province.

Hlabisa this week published the consolidated annual local government performance report for the 2024/25 financial year, which points to a weakening of enforcement even as the financial misconduct that should trigger it grew.

The data shows that the national balance of unauthorised, irregular, and fruitless and wasteful expenditure rose to R268.13bn, up from R264.10bn the year before. Recovery of these amounts was minimal, with municipalities relying on write-offs rather than recovering the money or disciplining those responsible.

The North West carried the largest balance of any province, at R71.14bn, up from R66.97bn, and remained the largest contributor to the national total in both years. Gauteng, at R53.32bn, the Eastern Cape, at R49.63bn, and the Free State, at R43.41bn, were the only other provinces above R40bn.

The Western Cape carried the smallest balance nationally in both years, falling further from R3.52bn to R2.77bn.

The consequences of this failure extend well beyond municipal accounts. Another serious problem is South Africa’s landfills, which require billions of rands to overhaul

“Enforcement declined,” the report states. “Criminal referrals to the South African Police Service fell from 37 municipalities to 20 where the accounting officer was implicated, and from 59 to 34 where the accounting officer was not implicated.

“This occurred even though more municipalities had adopted the required policies. The number of municipalities with signed systems of delegation also fell, from 130 to 127, weakening the assignment of responsibility for decisions and expenditure.

“Consequence management depends on a functioning disciplinary process once misconduct is identified.”

Nationally, 178 municipalities had a disciplinary board established in 2024/25, up from 147 the year before, though the number of financial misconduct allegations reported fell from 1,116 to 614 over the same period, while the number of officials formally charged with a financial offence rose 56% to 313.

The establishment of disciplinary boards ranged from 85% of municipalities in Mpumalanga and 82% in the Eastern Cape to 61% in the Northern Cape and 55% in the North West. Even the better-performing provinces on this measure therefore left a meaningful share of municipalities without a board.

The consequences of this failure extend well beyond municipal accounts. Another serious problem is South Africa’s landfills, which require billions of rands to overhaul.

The Western Cape provincial government is preparing an application to access at least R3.1bn from the budget facility for infrastructure (BFI) to address waste-management infrastructure backlogs and the “many non-compliances” experienced by municipalities at waste disposal facilities.

To bolster its application, the provincial government is looking to rope in advisers to help it prepare an application to the National Treasury, acknowledging that it has resource constraints in submitting a BFI application and therefore intends to use the services of a provider to prepare and submit the application.

A 2014 study found that about 394,969 tonnes of waste a year were disposed of at landfill sites within the Sedibeng region and about 378,436 tonnes a year within the West Rand region

The tender document says the Western Cape “is facing increasing pressure on its waste management infrastructure due to population growth, urbanisation and rising waste generation. Many municipal landfills are approaching capacity, while others require significant improvements to meet compliance standards under the National Environmental Management Act.

“Recent departmental and external audits have revealed that many shortcomings occur at waste management facilities, with the areas of concern being the lack of sufficient infrastructure and the high rate of non-compliance of the environmental authorisation conditions, etc.”

It says an assessment study conducted last year found that the cost for the required infrastructure updates — for the five district municipalities and 24 local municipalities in the Western Cape — would amount to about R3.1bn.

In Gauteng, Infrastructure South Africa (ISA) — established to support project preparation activities aimed at developing investment-ready infrastructure projects — is also looking for transaction advisers to prepare bankable projects for six municipalities looking to repair their deteriorating waste management infrastructure.

According to their tender document, the province’s waste management system “is under significant strain, with several landfill facilities approaching their design capacities”.

A 2014 study found that about 394,969 tonnes of waste a year were disposed of at landfill sites within the Sedibeng region and about 378,436 tonnes a year within the West Rand region.

“These constraints have contributed to increased illegal dumping, environmental degradation, growing compliance obligations and escalating landfill management costs.”

The six participating municipalities are:

• Emfuleni Local Municipality;
• Lesedi Local Municipality;
• Midvaal Local Municipality;
• Merafong City Local Municipality;
• Mogale City Local Municipality; and
• Rand West City Local Municipality.

Business Times

Story audio is generated using AI

It wasn’t dancing that first captured the heart of the, frankly fabulous Johannes Radebe, best known for his mesmerising moves on BBC One’s Strictly Come Dancing competition (this year, his role in the show changed to co-presenter). “It was the sparkles that got me,” he tells me, referencing the sparkly waistcoat he fell in love with that was worn by a ballroom dancer in the community centre near his home.

Unlike other dancing genesis stories I’ve come across, his wasn’t a childhood epiphany involving Fred Astaire, nor a pushy mother who spotted prodigious talent in her toddler. No, Radebe was just a boy from Zamdela, a township outside Sasolburg in the Free State, who was looking for his friends when he wandered into the local recreation hall and found a couple demonstrating ballroom and Latin dancing.

“I went up to the man wearing a silver waistcoat and tail jacket and said, ‘What do I need to do to wear that?’,” Radebe says, laughing. The answer that came back was simple: stick around and learn to dance. So he did.

In hindsight, it’s tempting to turn successful lives into neat narratives of destiny. Radebe’s story is different. “It was a complete fluke,” he insists. But he’s taken that fluke and run, or rather, danced with it. There were years of training, competitions his family could barely afford, jobs washing cars and dancing in shopping malls, cruise ships, South African dance championships and two seasons on our own Strictly Come Dancing. He joined the British show in 2018 and steadily transformed himself from a professional dancer into one of its most recognisable personalities.

At 39, the boy who wanted the sparkly waistcoat has effectively been handed the keys to the sequin cupboard. Radebe, as co-host of the show alongside Emma Willis and comedian Josh Widdicombe, cements his place in British hearts as the BBC’s juggernaut enters its 24th season. It’s the first three-person presenting team in the programme’s history, and for South African viewers there’s a pleasing amount of local talent involved: Motsi Mabuse remains on the judging panel while South African Latin champion Lethabo Monametsi joins the professional dancers.

Anyone that looks like me and can relate to my story will realise that it’s also possible for them.

The promotion has flummoxed Radebe. “I couldn’t have written the story for myself,” he says. “From a boy in Zamdela, dreaming but thinking that a world stage was out of reach … I’m just very proud. I’m pinching myself.”

Of course, dance wasn’t simply an extracurricular activity for Radebe. It became, he says, his “refuge”. He’s spoken about being bullied as a boy for being effeminate and about the economic obstacles facing a talented black ballroom dancer whose family didn’t have the money to send him gallivanting around the country to competitions.

But he persisted, eventually becoming a multiple South African Latin champion, dancing professionally overseas and finding his way onto Strictly and notable acclaim. One standout moment was in 2021 when he was partnered with The Great British Bake Off winner John Whaite. They became Strictly’s first all-male competitive pairing and reached the final. There was predictable muttering but soon that was overwhelmed by their chemistry and skill as they rapidly became seen as simply two men dancing exceptionally well.

Radebe doesn’t claim too much credit for the normalisation of the same-sex pair. “I’m happy to be a small part of making viewers more tolerant,” he says. “John and I understood that we’d play that little part, but I realised the impact of it after we did it.” There were doubts about how audiences would respond. Instead, “we’ve opened up conversations in homes about what’s possible in this world” — with a Viennese waltz and a good amount of Swarovski glitz.

Radebe says he never set out to be a role model. Now he accepts that visibility comes with obligations. “Anyone that looks like me and can relate to my story will realise that it’s also possible for them. Nothing’s out of reach.”

His question now is: “What can I do for others that are coming behind me?” That person is Monametsi. “We love her,” he says. “She’s the personification of joy.” More importantly, he says, she’s brought something recognisably South African into the UK Strictly family: “She’s demonstrated Ubuntu.”

His advice to her is refreshingly free of show-business guff about believing in yourself and reaching for the stars. “Darling, enjoy this ride. It’s not afforded to many people … It can absolutely change your life for the better.”

Radebe has been doing a lot of changing lately. He made his West End debut as Lola in Kinky Boots, a role he’d wanted for years, winning praise for a performance requiring him not merely to dance but act and sing in towering heels. His memoir, Jojo: Finally Home, was published in 2023, and he’s built a successful solo stage career. Earlier this year, asked to name his greatest achievement, he didn’t choose Strictly, the West End or any trophy. He chose building his mother her dream home.

Now presenting has replaced dancing on Strictly. Instead of communicating with his body — one raised eyebrow now contains his emotional range, and the autocue presents a different challenge.

He admits he’s not naturally a broadcaster. The producers knew that too. When he was first approached, he was told: “We wouldn’t give you this job if we don’t think you could do it. We want to afford you an opportunity to walk into the room and give it a go.” He did, and he immediately got the job.

Subsequently, he took classes and was trained by the BBC. “They know how to make great telly,” he says. “I was in good hands.”

There’s one obvious big perk to changing sides. After years of smiling bravely while judges dissected his choreography, Radebe will now have a microphone. “We’ve changed roles, Andrea,” he says with relish. “I cannot wait to hold them accountable.”

Infamous Strictly judge Craig Revel Horwood should consider himself warned. Then again, Radebe concedes, “Craig is brutal, but he’s right most of the time.”

Lastly, I ask Radebe who he thinks about when he walks onto that floor, no longer standing behind a celebrity partner but at the front of the whole enormous glittering enterprise. Suddenly he’s emotional. “My mother. My family,” he says. “I’ve dedicated my life to them ... and everyone back home, because I didn’t think this life was possible.”

He returns to the little boy in Zamdela who thought “there must be more to life than these streets”, and then wandered into a recreation hall and saw a man dressed in sparkles. “I want to honour that child,” Radebe says.

There will be consolation in giving up the weekly competitive dancing. “My bunions will be resting, definitely,” he says with a smile. The feet are getting a break, but Radebe, I suspect, is only getting started.

Story audio is generated using AI

South African dancer Lethabo Monametsi grew up watching Strictly Come Dancing. Now, 10 years later, the then 13-year-old who discovered ballroom through TV is one of five new professionals joining the UK show.

Strictly inspired you to start dancing?

I started dancing at 13 because of Strictly Come Dancing South Africa. We watched it as a family every Sunday and I fell in love with dance. I’d always been the dancer in the family — the one dancing when music came on — but I didn’t know it was something you could learn in a studio or do professionally. Strictly opened that world for me.

And now you’re actually on the British show. How does that feel?

Amazing. It feels like an extension of my family back home. Everyone has been incredibly kind and warm. The established professionals have been so patient with the five of us who are new this year. I’m loving the experience, on stage and off.

You don’t have a celebrity partner this season. Are you disappointed?

Not at all. I’m taking it as a learning opportunity. Strictly is a completely new world and I get to watch the older pros and see what they put into it behind the scenes. I can observe, learn and soak it all in at a slow, digestible pace. Hopefully, in the future, I’ll get a partner.

What’s your favourite dance?

The tango. I love its passion and control. You have to feel every movement. On the Latin side, it’s the rumba because everything slows down and you can really be in tune with your emotions and how you articulate your body.

And those Strictly costumes?

One of my favourite parts! The moment I put on a Latin or ballroom costume, my brain says: “It’s showtime.” You get to step into a character and live multiple lives.

Finally, dancing in heels: glamorous or torture?

In the beginning, the worst! You have to break the shoes in and mould them to your feet. There are blisters and sore feet. Walking in heels is already a mission — now you’re dancing in them. But the body gets used to it.

“I wrote a little story about the passing of time in relation to Tswana cosmology and other indigenous cosmologies,” she says. “I also looked at maternal knowledge.”

The result of that story — along with a lot of painting and the making of ceramic vessels — is a new exhibition titled So Quick the Crocodile Has Eaten the Sun, opening on October 10 at Kumalo | Turpin gallery in Parktown North.

“I realised that I could start pulling threads from my life, artistically, and create stories.”

I met Diale at her studio in Bramley. It’s everything you’d expect an artist’s space to be. Natural light floods in from the garden and there’s the smell of paint and turpentine. In the middle of the room is a long table cluttered with jars of brushes and pencils, and sketches in various stages of completion. Nearby is a brown leather couch spattered with paint. The exposed roof trusses make you think you’re inside a whale’s stomach. But the centrepieces, of course, are the large canvases leaning against the walls, pulsing with colour.

The paintings are populated by the things that have long appeared in Diale’s work: women, bodies, vessels, symbols and the strange interior worlds we form in childhood, where memory, imagination and experience become difficult to separate. But something has moved. The new work feels less concerned with explaining Diale herself than with exploring time and the ways we build a world around ourselves.

Birth of a new world

At the centre of that world are three women. The largest work in the studio, The Maternal Table, depicts a girlish Diale seated at a table, flanked by her mother and grandmother. On the table are a chopping board with slices of carrot, a teapot, a plate and a glass of juice. Behind her are three rectangular windows — another thread connecting the works.

Diale has spoken frequently about the influence of both women, particularly her grandmother, whose home in Rustenburg was a constant throughout her childhood. That’s where those three windows come from: Diale vividly recalls sitting in her grandmother’s kitchen, marvelling at the light spilling through them and filling the room. Sunlight and moonlight both.

But in these new works, Diale’s expressions are less about her own experience of the maternal and more about maternality in a broader sense. She became interested in an idea she encountered in Taoist cosmology, in which something at the very beginning was pregnant with possibility and gave birth to time and existence.

“I was thinking about the maternal, as in this womb,” she says. “Not about actual pregnancy, but the birth of a new world.”

This idea of creating, containing and protecting runs throughout the work. Just as a womb encloses the unborn, borders surround some of Diale’s paintings. And, as a rule, the paintings without a border contain a vessel. The borders are filled with symbols drawn from different traditions, including Ghanaian Adinkra symbols, but they also serve a deeper, more ritualistic purpose.

“The border is like a protection spell,” she says, “closing in and protecting whatever this dreamlike reality is that I’m creating.”

We go quiet for a moment. The high roof of the studio ticks under the springtime sun. In the garden, weavers are going berserk, building their own grassy containers before it’s too late.

Some of those dreamlike realities come from memory. Others, she says, are envisioned.

Another work shows her again as a young girl, a Bible and candle perched on a shelf behind her. The scene draws on her Christian upbringing, but the objects also point to something broader: the tools and talismans we use to protect ourselves, “whether you believe in something or not”.

The vessel has become equally important. Diale is interested in its ordinary function, as something made to carry or contain, but also in the spiritual history of the object. Clay can be transformed into something useful or beautiful, but vessels have also been used in rituals.

“In a lot of indigenous and old African practices, they’d create vessels and break them to call upon things, bury or seal them,” she says. “It’s my made-up religion, this practice. I create my own meaning with things.”

The mystery waving back

Diale, 26, grew up moving between Joburg and Rustenburg, between the suburbs and her grandmother’s home. As a young girl, watching the landscape change from the back seat of the car, she noticed how different those worlds were, and began to understand the inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

At her grandmother’s, she’d sit at a table and draw and paint — a practice she returns to today — a way of tapping into the simplicity of early memories: red soil, tea, thick slices of buttered bread.

Later, attending a Model C school in Joburg produced another set of contrasts. “That brought up a lot of questions for me, sociopolitically in the context of what it means to be a black South African woman in a post-apartheid landscape,” she says. “What was going on? Why did some people have access to things while others didn’t?”

As a teenager, Diale began going to art fairs. “I was emo,” she says. “Until then, being an artist hadn’t presented itself as a possible life. What? I can spend all day painting and listening to music, and get paid for it?”

“I realised that I could start pulling threads from my life, artistically, and create stories.”

Those threads have included race, mental health, family, spirituality and childhood. Her earlier work turned towards her identity and family history. In Going Home, which won the Tomorrows/Today Prize at the 2024 Cape Town Art Fair, ideas of home, prayer, her grandmother and mental health were central.

Her newer works push those concerns outward. Folklore and cosmology are woven into family history. Christianity holds hands with indigenous ritual. Inherited symbols and talismans intermingle with a connection to the divine that Diale has invented herself. Research and intuition occupy equal realms.

“A lot of my spirituality is anchored in archive,” she says. “I have a spiritual reflection and response to what I read about.”

Sometimes, in the best moments, the artist’s process crosses over from rational, structured thought into something that feels like magic.

“When I’m working I experience a literal download,” she says. “It pops up in my head, I don’t know where it comes from. In that flow state I open a channel to receive those messages.”

Hope as radical

Diale works best in summer. The studio is warm, she can go barefoot, and there’s always the promise of a Highveld thunderstorm to bring in the memory of lightning and petrichor, thunder rolling through the body. Music goes on as soon as she enters it, and continues for the day. When things are going well, she breaks into dance. Picture it: arms and legs moving to a rhythm that extends to the brush in her hand, the strokes on the canvas.

“A day in the studio starts in a rise and then a fall,” she says. “I begin with upbeat music. Towards the middle of the day the music is slower and more connected — at the peak, I might listen to Thandi Ntuli, speaking about the cosmos.”

Diale says she thinks in colour before she thinks in images. Her current obsession: pink. There’s something useful in that instinct. For the references to cosmology, ritual, family history and inherited knowledge, the paintings aren’t burdened by their ideas. They remain bright, bodily and strange. Earlier work dealt with generational trauma, identity and mental health, but Diale has consistently used colour and playfulness against the weight of those subjects.

This new work expresses hope. “Maternality as hopefulness,” she says. “Especially in the world we live in where it’s radical to have hope.”

Maybe that’s what the vessels and borders are doing — holding something long enough for another possibility to emerge.

Diale has been working as a full-time artist since she was 24. What that life has given her, she says, is control over her own time. There’s an echo of the freedom she allows herself inside the work: to borrow, invent, remember, distort and combine.

“I don’t believe in limited thinking,” she says. “You can make it up as you go along. There aren’t any rules.”

Somewhere inside that invented world, the crocodile keeps eating the sun.

• So Quick the Crocodile Has Eaten the Sun runs from October 10 to October 31 at Kumalo | Turpin gallery, Nine Yards, Yard 7, 167 Jan Smuts Avenue, Parktown North, Johannesburg. Visit kumaloturpin.com

SCHUMACHER ’94: THE BIRTH OF A LEGEND — Netflix

This archive-rich documentary takes Formula One fans back to the rollercoaster ride of the 1994 season, which saw the tragic death of Ayrton Senna and the ascent of the man who was behind him when he crashed — 25-year-old German Michael Schumacher, who would go on to win the first of his seven championships.

If you have 1 hour

THIS CITY IS OURS — DStv Stream

Sean Bean and James Nelson-Joyce lead the cast of this gritty, Liverpool-set family crime drama created by Stephen Butchard. As the head of the city’s most powerful crime family gets set to retire, a lethal power struggle erupts between his potential successors.

If you have 2 and a half hours

CHILEAN MINE RESCUE: RACE AGAINST TIME — Disney+

The team behind the Emmy-winning docuseries about the Thai cave rescue mission turn their attention to the 2010 Chilean mine accident, which saw 33 miners trapped underground for 69 days as the world watched to see if they would ever make it home to their loved ones.

If you have 4 hours

AMERICAN HORROR STORY: 13 — Disney+

Ryan Murphy’s cult-favourite, high-camp horror anthology series returns for its unlucky number 13^th iteration in which a hospice caretaker suffering from triskaidekaphobia (fear of the number 13) lands a gig at an eerie hotel inhabited by a host of ghouls from previous seasons.

If you have 5 hours

A DIFFERENT WORLD — Netflix

The beloved and groundbreaking 1990s sitcom starring Lisa Bonet’s The Cosby Show character, Denise Huxtable, embarking on adventures at the fictional all-black Hillman College gets a refreshing, refocused and timely Gen Z reboot starring Maleah Joi Moon.

Story audio is generated using AI

When Pierce Brosnan first prepared to play Conrad Harrigan, he arrived with an accent and a plan. Guy Ritchie swiftly disposed of both.

“He said, ‘No. Be Irish. Go more Irish. Go mad’,” Brosnan recalled at the global press conference for the second season of Paramount+’s MobLand. The character, he says, came together in about 15 minutes before they shot his first scene.

It was good advice. MobLand is Guy Ritchie territory at its most enjoyable: violent, stylish, funny and populated by people you might cross several roads to avoid in real life. Tom Hardy plays Harry Da Souza, the fixer attempting to hold together the Harrigan criminal empire, with Paddy Considine, Toby Jones, Joanne Froggatt and Janet McTeer among a formidable supporting cast. Season 2 adds Johnny Flynn and Ophelia Lovibond to the mix.

But the great pleasure is Brosnan and Helen Mirren as Conrad and Maeve Harrigan, the husband-and-wife heads of a crime family whose domestic arrangements are almost as dysfunctional as their business model.

There’s murder and mayhem, certainly, but also gangsters attending couples counselling, arguments about clothes left on the floor and confusion over whether Conrad is the father or grandfather of a particular child. And Harry may be employed to clean up bodies, but at home he can still be reprimanded for failing to put something in the laundry basket.

Brosnan is particularly good. In person, he’s an utter gentleman, with an unexpectedly strong Irish lilt and a lyrical way of speaking. Watching him transform into the ageing, impulsive Conrad — frequently goaded by Maeve towards acts of spectacularly poor judgement — is part of the fun.

I’d pay a lot of money to work with Pierce Brosnan for the rest of my life. — Helen Mirren

Mirren has “gone Irish” too. “It gives the show a lyricism, and a rhythm,” she says.

The two veterans are clearly enjoying themselves enormously. “We come to work, open the suitcase and we put the character on,” Brosnan says. “And off to the races we go.”

Asked to analyse his acting method more deeply, he practically squirms. Mirren has a more vivid way of explaining the Harrigans. Conrad, she says, is “a volcano”, while Maeve is “a snaky river”, winding her way in and out of everybody’s lives. “I guess she’s the ultimate manipulator really,” she says. Yet Mirren doesn’t regard Maeve as a cold strategist. Her emotions — jealousy, fear, hatred, desire, love — sit close to the surface. She feels them and acts accordingly, which can be unfortunate for anybody standing nearby.

Season 2 pushes the series further into the Gothic and Jacobean territory Mirren clearly relishes. The Harrigans are fighting to hold together their increasingly fractured empire as rivals circle and loyalties inside the family begin to splinter. The 10-episode season premiered on September 18, and Paramount+ has already ordered a third.

What prevents all this dynastic bloodletting from becoming ridiculous, Mirren argues, is the contrast between the Harrigans’ professional and domestic lives.

“They can go out and commit murder and mayhem, but when they’re at home, they’re like an old married couple.” She immediately launches into one of those arguments: “Put your bloody socks away!”

Brosnan agrees. The bedroom and bathroom scenes are, he says, “almost their own little play within this madcap world” — two parents trying to run an empire of violence while arguing about laundry and who feeds the dogs. It’s precisely this personal lens that gives MobLand its humour.

Mortality comes for Conrad

The jokes disguise a darker trajectory. Season 2 finds Conrad increasingly fractured as a medical condition begins affecting his mind. Brosnan describes him as a man confronting the fact that the end is no longer theoretical.

“Mortality is circling the wagons,” he says. Conrad is “like a trapped spider in a bottle, trying to find his way out”. Whichever direction he turns, there seems to be no exit.

Maeve, meanwhile, is discovering the dangerous arithmetic of power. “The higher you aim, the further there is to fall,” Mirren says, invoking Icarus.

Asked whether Maeve is ultimately the person holding the Harrigan family together, Mirren laughs. Family harmony is hardly her priority. What matters is the continuation of the dynasty and its criminal success. “She’ll sacrifice anyone to that.”

Mirren is particularly pleased that the women of MobLand are not decorative additions to a gangster story. None, she says, is merely a cipher, and the younger women are increasingly becoming threats to Maeve’s authority.

Guy Ritchie role plays

The new season begins at a dog-racing track, with the sort of gunfight that immediately establishes we’re not watching All Creatures Great and Small. It was also among Brosnan and Mirren’s first days filming together.

Mirren remembers Ritchie directing the sequence “with such élan and fun”. Brosnan recalls the director pulling the two stars aside in front of the crew and demonstrating exactly what he wanted — playing both Conrad and Maeve himself, shooting imaginary adversaries with his fingers while supplying his own gunfire sound effects.

As for handling actual prop guns, neither actor claims great expertise. “They’re wonderful and awful at the same time,” Mirren says. “I just pretend to know what I’m doing,” Brosnan adds.

Breaking the Brosnan mould

Conrad also gives Brosnan the opportunity to dismantle the polished image that’s followed him for decades. He famously modelled aspects of his breakthrough character in Remington Steele on Cary Grant, before becoming James Bond and cementing himself as one of cinema’s most reliably suave men.

Conrad Harrigan isn’t suave. “It’s liberating,” Brosnan says. “It’s wonderful to crack the mould of what you’ve created over so many years.”

Mirren calls the role “a cherry on the cake”, suggesting the producers must have sensed that somewhere beneath all that elegance, “that volcano was there inside Brosnan”.

This is the third time Mirren and Brosnan have worked together in three years, and their affection is obvious. “I’d pay a lot of money to work with Pierce Brosnan for the rest of my life,” Mirren says.

They don’t particularly socialise away from set. Instead, they share an old-fashioned working rhythm: arrive, prepare, stay quiet and get on with it. Both came through theatre, and Mirren loves the long scenes written for MobLand, which allow them to experience something close to stage acting without, as she points out, having to perform eight shows a week.

Brosnan reduces the philosophy further, quoting advice once given to him by director Bruce Beresford: “Show up, say the lines, don’t bump into the furniture, get off the stage.” Simple enough, although Conrad might add one further instruction, “Do whatever Maeve tells you”.

“She’s my oxygen,” Brosnan says of his fictional wife. “Without her, I’d be rudderless.” Considering Maeve is quite capable of steering him directly towards murder, that could be the problem.

• MobLand Season 1 is on Netflix while Season 2 is available on DStv in South Africa.

Story audio is generated using AI

This is a week for reconsidering what — and who — we really want. Venus is retrograde in Scorpio, making love, attraction, loyalty and value more complicated than usual. On Tuesday, Mercury meets Venus, encouraging conversations about feelings we’ve been avoiding, or perhaps thought we’d finished having. Wednesday’s Mars-Uranus connection brings a welcome blast of courage and spontaneity: change something, try something, surprise yourself. Then comes Saturday. Venus and Mars clash, turning up the temperature in relationships just as a new moon in Libra offers the possibility of a fresh start. Passion and irritation may be alarmingly similar sensations. Choose your battles, your lovers and your words with care.

BIG THEMES

Love & relationships

The past has a habit of knocking when Venus is retrograde. Tuesday favours honest conversations; Saturday brings attraction, friction — and possibly both before breakfast. The Libra new moon asks whether our relationships are genuinely balanced or merely conveniently arranged.

Work & money

Wednesday rewards a clever shortcut, bold move or departure from the usual method. Venus retrograde makes this a better week for reviewing spending and priorities than making extravagant commitments. Value matters more than appearances.

Energy & wellbeing

Mars and Uranus add electricity midweek, but the weekend could leave nerves slightly frayed. Move your body, change the scenery and avoid using other people as emotional gym equipment.

The week in one line

Reconsider what you want, then make sure you still want it tomorrow.

Lucky/Unlucky/Don’t even try

Lucky: Honest conversations, fresh starts and unexpected ideas.

Unlucky: Romantic games and impulse purchases.

Don’t even try: Contacting an ex after the second glass of wine.

LIBRA

(Sep 23 — Oct 22)

This is your week. Saturday’s new moon falls in Libra and offers something close to a personal reset button. But before pressing it, your ruler Venus is travelling backwards through Scorpio, forcing you to reconsider what matters enough to keep investing your time, money and affection in. Tuesday could revive an old idea or discussion that deserves another hearing. Saturday’s Venus-Mars clash adds heat to relationships, but don’t mistake drama for passion simply because both raise your pulse. Decide what the next version of you looks like. Preferably without conducting an opinion poll.

SCORPIO

(Oct 23 — Nov 21)

With Venus retrograde in your sign, you’re in an unusually reflective mood about love, attractiveness, identity and whether the things you once wanted still fit. Tuesday’s Mercury-Venus meeting could bring an important conversation or someone from your past back into view. Listen before deciding what it means. Wednesday is livelier professionally: an unconventional move could produce surprisingly good results. By Saturday, relationships and career demands may collide. Resist the temptation to control the entire situation. Mystery is sexy. Micromanagement considerably less so.

SAGITTARIUS

(Nov 22 — Dec 21)

Some weeks are for charging enthusiastically towards the horizon. This isn’t one of them. Venus retrograde is stirring the private corners of your chart, bringing back memories, feelings or a person you thought you’d filed under ancient history. Tuesday offers understanding if you’re prepared to be honest with yourself. Wednesday, thankfully, is much more your speed: spontaneous plans, travel, adventure or a sudden brilliant idea are encouraged. Saturday’s new moon brings fresh energy to friendships and your social world. Meet someone new. Just don’t bring your past baggage with you.

CAPRICORN

(Dec 22 — Jan 19)

Your professional world gets a useful reboot with Saturday’s new moon at the top of your chart. If you’ve been waiting to make a move, change direction or put yourself forward, begin laying the groundwork. Not everything needs to be achieved by lunchtime on Monday. Tuesday may bring an interesting conversation through a friend or professional contact, while Venus retrograde encourages you to reconsider which alliances still work. Wednesday could solve a practical problem in an unexpectedly inventive way. The right people matter this week. Networking isn’t collecting contacts; it’s knowing which ones answer the phone.

AQUARIUS

(Jan 20 — Feb 18)

Wednesday’s Mars-Uranus connection suits you beautifully: it rewards experimentation, independence and doing the thing everyone else initially regards as peculiar — familiar territory. Professionally, Venus retrograde asks whether success still looks the way you thought it would. An old opportunity could return, or you may reconsider a career decision. Saturday’s Libra new moon opens a different window, favouring travel, study, publishing and broader horizons. You need something new to think about. Your greatest danger is becoming so intellectually bored that you start arguments simply for recreational purposes.

PISCES

(Feb 19 — Mar 20)

A plan involving travel, learning or a bigger change of direction may require reconsideration this week. That isn’t the same as abandoning it. Tuesday brings information that alters your perspective, while Wednesday favours dealing imaginatively with a work or practical problem. The weekend turns attention towards trust, intimacy and the things you share with others — emotional and material. Saturday’s new moon offers the chance to renegotiate an arrangement that’s become lopsided. You’re famously generous, Pisces, but generosity should be voluntary — otherwise it has another name.

ARIES

(Mar 21 — Apr 19)

Saturday’s new moon lands in your relationship zone, making this an important week for partnerships of every description. A relationship may begin, reset or need new rules. Complicating matters nicely, Venus squares your ruler Mars on the same day, adding chemistry and, equally, potential for irritation. Tuesday is better for talking rather than fighting, particularly around trust or shared responsibilities. Wednesday brings fun, creativity and the desire to do something spontaneous. Follow it. Relationships require compromise — sometimes the other person gets to be right.

TAURUS

(Apr 20 — May 20)

Your ruler Venus is retrograde in your opposite sign, so relationships are undergoing quality control. Someone from the past may reappear, or an old issue in a current relationship could demand another look. Tuesday is excellent for the conversation you’ve both been avoiding. Saturday is considerably more combustible as Venus clashes with Mars, particularly around home or family. Don’t drag six unrelated grievances into one argument simply because you’ve got everyone’s attention. The Libra new moon, meanwhile, encourages a fresh approach to health and routine. One small change achieves more than an elaborate reinvention.

GEMINI

(May 21 — Jun 20)

Tuesday finds your ruler Mercury meeting retrograde Venus, making this a good moment to revisit a work arrangement, routine or conversation that wasn’t concluded. You may spot what everybody missed the first time. Wednesday is livelier and could bring unexpected news, an invitation or an idea worth acting on. Then Saturday’s Libra new moon moves the emphasis somewhere more entertaining: romance, creativity, pleasure and play. Do something with no measurable productivity whatsoever. This may feel dangerously irresponsible. Try to endure it.

CANCER

(Jun 21 — Jul 22)

There’s a nostalgic quality to the week, particularly around romance and creativity. Venus retrograde may remind you of someone you once adored or something you once loved doing and inexplicably stopped. Tuesday could provide the nudge to reconnect — with the activity, at least; use greater discretion regarding the person. Wednesday brings an unexpected opportunity involving income or work. Saturday’s new moon falls in your home zone, making this an excellent moment to clear, rearrange, repair or reconsider where and how you live. Home should restore you, not operate as another department requiring management.

LEO

(Jul 23 — Aug 22)

Mars in Leo is keeping you energetic, assertive and a fraction exhausting to everyone else. Wednesday’s Mars-Uranus connection could bring an unexpected professional opportunity or inspire you to take a risk you’ve been contemplating. Do it intelligently rather than theatrically. At home, Venus retrograde is stirring old family matters or memories that may need another look. Saturday’s Venus-Mars square makes compromise important. Fortunately, the Libra new moon opens a new chapter around communication, writing, meetings or local connections. Speak up — but leave a gap in which someone else can answer.

VIRGO

(Aug 23 — Sep 22)

You’ve been thinking seriously about security lately, but this week asks what you actually value rather than what things cost. Tuesday could bring an illuminating conversation with someone you’ve known before. Say what you mean; hinting is an inefficient form of communication. Wednesday favours an unexpected plan, journey or change of routine. The weekend’s new moon turns your attention to earnings and self-worth. There may be a new way to use a skill you’ve been taking for granted. Other people don’t value what you insist on giving away.

Story audio is generated using AI

Guy Ritchie has built an entire pop-cultural universe out of people behaving badly in very good clothes. Gangsters, aristocrats, dynastic crime families, double-crosses, improbable quantities of violence and the occasional corpse requiring discreet disposal: both The Gentlemen and MobLand return for second seasons firmly inside the director’s familiar territory. But beneath all the swagger and bloodshed, both are really family dramas — albeit families in which succession planning is more likely to involve a gun than a lawyer.

THE GENTLEMEN: THE CURSE OF INHERITANCE

Ritchie doesn’t much like answering questions as they’re asked. At the global press conference for the second season of The Gentlemen, he interrupted the moderator to recast a lengthy question about power, distinguishing between “actively desire” and “self-generate”.

“That’s a different thing,” he insisted. One “wants”, the other “achieves”. It’s a distinction that drives Season 2. “How does one ascend without self-imploding?” Ritchie asks. “How does one remain aggressive and ambitious and simultaneously not get decimated by their own ego?”

Eddie Horniman, the aristocrat-turned-reluctant-crime-lord played by Theo James, is trying to escape what Ritchie calls “the curse of inheritance”. Season 1 forced Eddie to stop being dependent on what he inherited; Season 2 lets him spread his wings.

Susie Glass (Kaya Scodelario), daughter of crime boss Bobby Glass, faces a similar dilemma: how much power does one inherit and how much does one create for oneself?

This season also moves some action from English country estates to the Italian lakes — partly thematic and, Ritchie admits, “partly an indulgence”.

“If you’re going to choose a substructure of nefarious villains, Italy is the place you’d pick.” Conveniently, Italy also has impoverished aristocrats, allowing The Gentlemen to export its delicious collision of old money and new crime. The trick, Ritchie says, is to make plots “plausible but simultaneously fantastic”. If a storyline is boring, it goes back to the drawing board until it becomes “suitably naughty and provocative”.

James describes Eddie’s transformation as a moral erosion, “a blackness that’s etching into his sense of self and his soul”, while comparing Eddie and Susie to Macbeth and Lady Macbeth.

Ritchie is more succinct: “They’re both the biggest threat to each other ... and their biggest help.”

* The Gentlemen, Season 2 is on Netflix.

MOBLAND: MARRIAGE, MURDER AND DIRTY SOCKS

When Pierce Brosnan first prepared to play crime boss Conrad Harrigan, he arrived with an accent and a plan. Ritchie swiftly disposed of both.

“He said, ‘No. Be Irish. Go more Irish. Go mad’,” Brosnan recalls. And mad is about right. MobLand is Ritchie territory at its most enjoyable: violent, stylish, funny and populated by people you’d cross several roads to avoid.

Tom Hardy returns as fixer Harry Da Souza, but the great pleasure is Brosnan and Helen Mirren as Conrad and Maeve Harrigan, the husband-and-wife heads of a criminal family whose domestic arrangements are as dysfunctional as their business model.

There’s murder and mayhem, but also gangsters attending couples counselling, arguments about clothes on the floor and confusion over whether Conrad is the father or grandfather of a particular child. “They can go out and commit murder and mayhem,” Mirren says, “but when they’re home, they’re like an old married couple. Put your bloody socks away!”

Brosnan describes Conrad as “a volcano”; Mirren’s Maeve is “a snaky river” winding through everybody’s lives — and frequently manipulating them into spectacularly bad decisions. Season 2 finds the Harrigan empire fractured, with enemies circling and loyalties splintering.

For Brosnan, the role is a joyful demolition of the suave image forged through Remington Steele and James Bond. Conrad is ageing, impulsive and decidedly unpolished. “It’s liberating,” he says. “It’s wonderful to crack the mould of what you’ve created over many years.”

Mirren and Brosnan have now worked together three times in three years and their affection is obvious. “I’d pay a lot of money to work with Pierce for the rest of my life,” Mirren says.

Brosnan is equally devoted — at least in character. “She’s my oxygen,” he says of Maeve. “Without her, I’d be rudderless.”

Considering Maeve is perfectly capable of steering him directly towards murder, that may be the problem.

• MobLand Season 1 is showing on Netflix while Season 2 is available on DStv in South Africa. See TimesLIVE Lifestyle for expanded articles.

“In February, Google AI referred to me as ‘the late Kwanele Asante’ — almost like a premonition,” says Asante, who developed abdominal pain in her right side a few weeks later, and was urgently admitted for surgery to remove an inflamed appendix.

“Then all these other things started happening. When I was finally discharged 19 days later it was April, the month (she first says “anniversary”, then shakes her head and says, “no, no, that’s not the word”) of my diagnosis with breast cancer 20 years ago.”

Asante, who has always rejected the designation “breast cancer survivor”, talks about her health in an all-encompassing way, to make a larger point: people don’t necessarily experience the health system as a series of separate diseases and specialist programmes. We are the sum of our ailments, not defined by any one illness.

“I am in chronic treatment for chemotherapy-induced congestive heart failure, bipolar mood disorder [a mental health disorder that causes mood swings], anxiety and now functional neurological [brain] disorder, which means the brain software is not functioning properly. The cancer survivor label doesn’t quite cover it,” she says.

Even in name, Asante refuses to remain static. She was born Anne Molebatsi Pooe but called herself Molebatsi Anne Pooe at university, and later Molebatsi Pooe-Shongwe, before legally changing her name to Kwanele Asante-Shongwe in 2012 (although she mostly goes by Kwanele Asante in her professional life).

Every change has been a waymarker in a life that began like an unwritten Zakes Mda novel, in a TB sanatorium in Soweto.

“My mother and father met in Charles Hurwitz [TB hospital], probably in the canteen from that famous Ephraim Ngatane painting. I was reflecting the other day that my entire life has been defined by health care,” says Asante, who was born in Meadowlands in 1969.

Her father, Aaron Sonnyboy Pooe, and mother, Lerato Nokoane (born Dikeledi Lydia Nokoane), were divorced before Asante turned five. She and her younger brother Lesele never saw their father again.

Her tone changes when she begins talking about her mother.

“She was a very tenacious woman,” Asante says, chuckling.

“My father was her second husband, and she had six children before my brother and I. We were very poor, and to provide for us after our father left she took a job as a teacher at Batswana Teacher’s Training (BAT) College in Mafeking (now Mahikeng), later becoming a live-in boarding master to supplement her salary.”

It was a solution that held until the 1976 Soweto Uprising, which triggered student protests across the country.

“We were kicked out of our little room because the kids felt we were leeching off them,” recalls Asante, who was in Grade 1 at the time, at Diphetogo Primary School.

“It was a difficult time because mum was reinventing — she went away to Baviaanspoort [Zonderwater Prison and Training College near Tshwane] for six months to train as a prison officer, leaving us with a relative we only met the day before she left,” says Asante, who wasn’t coping at school.

“One particular teacher used to split the class into ‘smart ones’ and ‘donkeys’. I was in the donkey group. I was unhappy. Then I met a woman who saved my life.”

Dineo Mpofu, a teacher at Diphetogo, saw something in the struggling seven-year-old.

“She told me, ‘You are actually smart. Come to me during break and we will work on your cursive writing.’ She was by my side until standard four, by which time I was a very strong student,” says Asante, who moved across to the new middle school that had been established at BAT.

The Bantustans

It was the early 1980s and Mafeking had just been incorporated in the recently proclaimed Republic of Bophuthatswana. To combat liberation ideologies in the Bantustans, the South African Defence Force had started sending conscripts with university degrees and teaching diplomas to teach in certain Bantustan schools, including the new Batswana high and middle schools. And so Asante’s teachers were mostly white servicemen.

“They saw it as a way of winning hearts and minds. We saw it as a sneaky way of getting a kind of private school education,” Asante recalls.

There were some civilian teachers, too, and Asante remembers one man with particular fondness — Denzil Fincham, her Standard 5 English teacher, who would go on to become the headmaster of Kingswood College in Makhanda.

“He used to say, ‘Anne, stand up, give us an unprepared speech. You need to learn to speak properly because you’re going to be an important person one day.’ At first I thought, ‘Oh no! This man is really irritating me,’ but it was actually really formative,” says Asante, whose polished elocution saw her through door after door later in life.

Before her world cracked open, however, it was unusually cloistered.

“Mum took a job at Rooigrond Maximum Security Prison [now Rooigrond Maximum Correctional Centre], and here we lived for years, on this prison base in the middle of nowhere, surrounded by prisoners.”

White prison officers, says Asante, “stayed in their own quite opulent section, literally called ko makgoweng [the white side]” whereas black families stayed in a row of tiny houses on “the black side — ko Batswaneng”. She can’t quite recall when this changed but change it did, and by this time her mother was a senior officer at the prison, so the family moved across into one of the nice houses.

If Rooigrond embodied the racism that was coded into South African society at the time, it also provided object lessons in what Asante refers to as “the inequality of power”.

“There was a lot of saluting. Even when mum was in civilian clothes, the other officers would strek [stand to attention], whereas the prisoners would drop to their knees and take off their hats. For me, as a teenager, this was like, ‘Joh, weird’.”

The prison nevertheless provided a form of stability, which ended when her mother transferred to Odi prison in Mabopane, north of Pretoria (she was later reposted to Rooigrond, and appointed inspector of prisons for the Republic of Bophuthatswana).

“I had attended six schools by the time I reached matric. It was very destabilising,” says Asante, who was taken in hand by the principal of Pelotona Middle School in Mabopane, ZK Mogodiri.

“He was a pan-Africanist: a short man who would stand in front of us at morning assembly and say, ‘African child, we are not going to be door mats of other nations.’ He was strict but he took a liking to me, and when he realised that we were about to move again he drove a 100 kilometres to Motswedi in Zeerust to find me a place at the boarding school there, so that I would have some stability,” says Asante, who matriculated in 1987. The following Easter she met Isaac Shongwe, whose family paid lobola for Asante in 1989.

“I was a fast-moving girl,” she chuckles, adding, “I didn’t change my surname, which is the only thing I have from my father.”

Shongwe — today a prominent South African business personality — had just graduated from Wesleyan University in the United States, and suggested Asante might want to apply.

“I had been fascinated with America most of my life until then. I needed no urging. We moved abroad in August 1989.”

Like her husband before her, Asante received a full scholarship. She studied sociology and psychology, and felt very at home in Wesleyan’s vocal liberal arts culture.

“I was the only black African woman there at the time, so naturally I was the most oppressed person on campus,” she says, with a wink.

From Anne to Molebatsi

“People would ask, ‘You’re African, yet your name is Anne. How?’ and so I switched it around, and became Molebatsi Anne.”

Shongwe, by this time a Rhodes Scholar, was at Oxford, and so the two travelled between England and America, with a trip home in 1991 for the birth of their first child, Sibusiso Mandla Shongwe, today a well-known film director and multimedia artist (better known by his alias Sibs Shongwe-La Mer). Their second child, Mbali-Pfeiffer Shongwe (today a notable young mental health advocate and gender-based violence activist), was born in 1999.

After graduating in 1994 Asante returned to South Africa for good. Her memories of the job market at the time have her smiling before she speaks.

“It was that time when everybody was looking for a black. The moment you accepted a role others would be knocking, looking to poach!”

From Pretoria Portland Cement, where Asante worked as an internal communications coordinator, she was employed by First National Bank as a group journalist, writing articles and booklets (including one on breast cancer) for the bank’s 36,000 employees, before being lured across to Anglovaal Minerals (since incorporated into African Rainbow Minerals) to oversee their internal communications.

“Women were only just being allowed underground at the time, and I remember I would get into my white things — boots, overalls, helmet — and at some point the men underground would see the curves and they would scream that the earth was gonna fall down,” says Asante, who witnessed firsthand the toll HIV was taking on mineworkers, and became frustrated with management’s apparent reluctance to “walk the talk” of safer sex practices in their own lives and professional spaces. (“There were no condoms in the head office or mining office bathrooms, even though it was well known that many of the metallurgists, geologists and mining engineers, 95% of whom were white men, practised unsafe sex!”). Faced with this hypocrisy, and seeing the sector’s stark social inequality on her daily commute to work, she felt increasingly conflicted about her high salary.

“I’m not sure that any of the corporations I worked for actually had a job for me, and that’s a heavy suspicion to live with, especially when you see things happening that you don’t agree with,” says Asante, who often complained to family friend (and former Constitutional Court judge) Edwin Cameron about her ethical conundrums.

“I think Edwin grew tired of hearing me complain, because one day he said, ‘Listen, when I first met you at 19, you said you wanted to become a lawyer. I think you’re a natural-born lawyer. I think you should go to law school.’”

Asante was 32 at the time. She thought about it, and remembered her mother’s uncle, the writer JB Leseyane (author of the classic Setswana novel Monageng), who lived in a village in Swartruggens. She, her brother and their cousins all called him Ntatemogolo [grandfather], and visited often.

“He would wash on the patio in the morning, and the rest of us ‘grandchildren’ would bathe in the same water in order of seniority. ‘It will make you smart like me,’ he used to say, and he was indeed a smart man. He would invite me to attend these kgotlas [traditional court sessions] under a distant tree, where people could come and report their issues — how somebody stole somebody else’s cow, or beat their wife, and so on — and I would be the only child at these things, but he kept taking me, until he was murdered when I was 10. Looking back, I realise this was my introduction to law.”

Asante decided to take Cameron’s advice, enrolling for an LLB at Wits University, and afterwards joining Deneys Reitz to do her articles.

“I hated it,” Asante bluntly says.

‘No health without mental health’

“Candidate attorneys were basically messengers, serving summonses and doing pagination. I was 35, from a campus activist background. I had worked three corporate jobs. I was like, ‘Guys, I’m not here to photocopy.’ I was a difficult candidate attorney, and in fact the experience just worsened from one rotation to the next.”

Asante had one champion during this lonely period, an institutional aviation law specialist called Pierre Naude, who treated her as a colleague, taking her out to crash sites and commending her written opinions. When she was not retained as an attorney after her two years’ candidature he walked across to her office.

“He closed the door, asked if he could sit, and said, ‘You are a very good lawyer — don’t let this make you forget that. I know that you love human rights, perhaps your future lies in this direction.’ He wrote me the most beautiful letter of recommendation as a lawyer and a thinker.”

Three months later, at 37, Asante was diagnosed with breast cancer.

“The lump had been in my breast for some time, and I knew from that booklet I wrote for FNB that it was more than likely a problem, but I was just hoping it would miraculously disappear.”

‘Kwanele, Baba. Asante.’

A breast biopsy confirmed breast cancer — Asante received the news on the way to fetch her daughter, then seven, from school.

“Suddenly, I was a very sick woman. I found my heart would be palpitating after chemo sessions, but when I reported this to my oncologist, he was dismissive.”

She read on the website of the American Society of Clinical Oncology that some of the chemotherapy medicines can cause heart damage, and immediately called her GP, who had a cardiologist meet her in a nearby emergency room.

“The cardiologist greeted me with, ‘I believe you are a Google self-diagnosed patient’, but the moment he listened to my heart he shouted, ‘Code Blue!’ and people descended on me.”

It was discovered that Asante had chemotherapy-induced cardiomyopathy, a disorder of the heart muscle. Three years later, during a routine check-up (and shortly after her divorce from Shongwe), her cardiologist told her she was at imminent risk of a fatal heart attack.

“He said I needed a machine implanted under my skin, called an implantable cardioverter defibrillator, which detects irregular heartbeats and gives an electric shock to restore it to normal. I had the procedure, and when the bill came to my apartment I saw how much it had cost, and I cried and cried. My medical aid had covered it. All I could think to say was, ‘Kwanele, Baba. Asante.’ Kwanele is isiZulu for ‘it is sufficient’. Asante is Kiswahili for ‘thank you’.”

In 2012, Asante formalised her gratitude by taking these words as her legal name, or what she calls her “healing name”. Her experience had left her with troubling questions, however.

A health rights approach to breast cancer

“In the Sandton Oncology Centre I was struck by how few black women there were in the waiting room — I only saw two the whole time, and they were from Botswana. I asked my oncologist, ‘Am I the first black woman to have breast cancer?’ and he said, ‘No, there are many. Most go to Helen Joseph, Charlotte Maxeke and Chris Hani Baragwanath hospitals. Some come here, but they come at odd hours because they don’t want people to know.’”

Asante decided to find out for herself.

“I visited Chris Hani [Baragwanath Hospital], and there were about 30 women sitting in a little room, all half-naked from the waist up with decaying breasts. It was before they had the breast clinic, and there were no gowns. It was a mess.”

Asante confronted the surgeons, one of whom countered that the patients were all women (so why would they mind?).

“I said, ‘Would Gogo traditionally be sitting like this with a woman half her age?’ and he got it. The next week — because the clinic was only held on Wednesdays then — everyone had gowns. My friends in the northern suburbs and I pooled together to buy some things but that doctor bought the first 20 gowns himself.”

Out of this experience came BreastSens, the NGO Asante founded to promote health rights, human rights and breast cancer education among indigent black women in Soweto.

“It was nothing new, I simply copied Edwin and others’ work on treatment access for people living with HIV, and I transposed it to breast cancer,” says Asante.

While it is true that South Africa’s HIV response is rich in transferable lessons, they are lessons that advocates for NCDs such as cancer, diabetes and high blood pressure have struggled to take up and apply with similar success. In Soweto, Asante demonstrated it was possible to take a health rights approach to breast cancer.

Her legal training proved invaluable (Asante never did work as a lawyer) although she acknowledges that it, and her relative privilege, were also barriers that needed to be overcome.

“I was coming at it with the self-importance of an activist lawyer. The women who let me into their lives were my saving grace. I spent six years working in Soweto’s communities. I met the families, and came to know their realities. Three of the women I knew developed cardiotoxicity [when the heart or cardiovascular system is damaged during or after cancer treatment], like I had, and died. They didn’t get defibrillators, like I did. They died, and they were all remarkable, single mothers of young children. They all died at 35. At that time, I was 44.”

Off pink

Asante says she did join the “pink ribbons” for a time, meaning the established network of breast cancer advocacy organisations, “but very quickly got to understand what they were: the commodification of a woman’s disease by marketing companies. So I stopped wearing the pink outfits,” she says, demonstrating the (at times acerbic) contrarianism that has been a hallmark of her advocacy. (Another hallmark has been her vivacious style: an orange polo neck sweater today, with pearl drop earrings.)

Her community-based approach saw her nominated by Soweto communities to join the inaugural ministerial advisory committee on the prevention and control of cancer, which she was later elected deputy chairperson of. She then served a second term, chairing the committee. In parallel, she decided to study again.

“I was often the loudest ‘lived-experience’ person in the room at the conferences I was attending at home, on the continent and abroad, and cancer researchers and cancer doctors would say, ‘What’s this lawyer doing in medicine?’ A very dear and faithful mentor and friend [the retired academic and education champion Gillian Godsell] advised me to do a master’s degree with the word medicine in it, and after some scouting around I enrolled for an MSc Medicine in bioethics and health law, health and human rights at Wits’ Steve Biko Centre for Bioethics,” says Asante, who was asked to stay on and lecture upon graduating in 2016.

“I loved my students but only lasted one year because teaching is very exhausting, and little paid!”

Asante returned to patient advocacy, deepening her commitment to the African Organisation for Research and Training in Cancer, which she had been involved with for some years, eventually serving as the secretary general in 2020.

In the same year she became a member of the World Health Organization’s civil society working group on NCDs. With her well-honed sense for inequality in health care, Asante became a fierce critic of the global health advocacy system she had joined. In a 2025 BMJ article, for example, she and her co-authors argued that global NGOs and health organisations are often guilty of advocating for patients, families and communities in generic and potentially extractive ways, while remaining stubbornly headquartered in Europe or North America.

She travelled back and forth from Geneva, but at some point experienced a crisis of conviction.

“I found I was reacting to these white women doing their higher degrees in global health and development, who would come and say” — and here Asante affects an American accent with extraordinary disdain — ‘I’m here to talk on behalf of my community in Ndola, or Lusikisiki’ — and I’m sitting there thinking ‘your community?’ And after I had reacted that way three or four times over the years, I was like, ‘Actually, who appointed you [Kwanele Asante] a spokesperson for Black women? How well do you know your community?’ I was born in Soweto, but … hmm.”

It’s a fittingly self-aware and self-questioning ending to our conversation about her protean life — a life that I suspect (based on her grumbling about private medical aid billing practices, after her recent hospital stay) has strident activism in it yet.

This story was produced by the Bhekisisa Centre for Health Journalism. Sign up for the newsletter.

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But Daniel Rada, director of My Wooden House, says this can lead to a common design mistake, with outdoor spaces planned around the few months when the weather is at its best rather than how the garden will actually be used for most of the year.

“It’s very easy to design a garden around the weather you wish you had all year, but that isn’t how most of the year is going to look.”

Beyond sunny weather

Rada says the first thing homeowners should consider is what they want the garden to be used for outside of summer. Rather than waiting until spring to discover what does and doesn’t work, she recommends paying attention to the garden as autumn arrives.

“Autumn is actually quite useful for looking at a garden because you start to see what you miss when summer disappears. You notice which areas are sheltered, where you lose the light and which parts you stop using altogether.”

Rada says this is particularly important when homeowners are considering a permanent addition to their garden. A structure should fit the space and its intended use, rather than being chosen first and then squeezed into whichever part of the garden is available. That could mean thinking carefully about:

• where people will sit;
• how they will get to the structure from the house; and
• whether the area remains comfortable when the weather changes.

When summer is over

Transitional months are also a useful time to think ahead, with gardening experts recommending the months for planning and preparing for the next spring while the soil remains warm and workable.

“If you’re thinking about making a bigger change next year, spend some time using the garden as it is now. You might find that the place you thought would be perfect for a seating area is actually the first part of the garden you avoid when the weather turns.”

The aim isn’t necessarily to make every part of the garden usable in every season. Instead, Rada says homeowners should think about whether the areas they invest in will still have a purpose once summer has finished.

That could influence everything from the position of an outdoor structure to the way different areas connect with the house.

With garden projects potentially representing a significant investment, considering the space properly before building can also help homeowners avoid having to rethink the layout later.

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The South African Rugby Union (Saru) is responsible for a group of men who have conquered the rugby universe and the Springboks are rightly revered around the world as the best in the business.

To many South Africans, the Siya Kolisi-captained and Rassie Erasmus-coached green and gold warriors are not only a symbol of success, they are a shining example and enforcers of a winning spirit that swells the pride of our troubled nation.

It is to Saru’s credit and the genius of Erasmus that the back-to-back world champions are 12 months away from attempting an unprecedented third successive World Cup crown in Australia next year.

But by not dealing with the André Esterhuizen elephant in the room with the diligence it deserves, Saru and Erasmus have dropped the ball big time.

By appointing Esterhuizen the 68th captain for last Saturday’s defeat to the Wallabies, Erasmus erred in that he overlooked an element of the player’s racist past that can neither be erased nor wished away. That incident was when Esterhuizen racially abused Potchefstroom Gymnasium coach Thabo Molete in 2012.

To plead ignorance of the incident is disingenuity and dishonesty by Saru. Not heeding the public outcry over the matter and treating the backlash as a mere irritation is a refusal to accept that tackling the demon of racism is an ongoing process to which we must remain alive across all aspects of our society.

Kicking this Esterhuizen matter into touch is poor form. Barring journalists from asking about the issue during the pre-match press conference in Perth is censorship that should not be tolerated in a democratic state.

His sympathisers argue that not only did the then 18-year-old apologise, he was also banned from rugby for a year, though half of that sentence was suspended.

An undeniable truth is that racism is a festering wound. It remains a lived reality decades after racist laws were repealed en route to a democratic dispensation.

They omit to mention that in 2017 he made a mockery of that apology when he denied using the racial slur against Molete.

There’s plenty of evidence of how Erasmus has contributed to help transform the Boks from an exclusive club of a select section of our population.

Confronting uncomfortable truths about our actions, past and present, should be part and parcel of the stronger together mantra embodied by all that embrace the Springboks, warts and all.

An undeniable truth is that racism is a festering wound. It remains a lived reality decades after racist laws were repealed en route to a democratic dispensation. Regrettably, there are some among us who still wear racism as a badge of honour and hanker for the days of white supremacy.

Sport in general and rugby in particular, has made a massive contribution to social cohesion. Where the Springbok emblem was once a source of hate, it is now a crest worn with pride in support of all Erasmus selects to represent the nation.

Accountability and transparency should be the cornerstones of our collective conscience. Though South Africa is bedevilled by a leadership crisis where those in authority get away with a myriad of misdemeanours and foul-mouthed tirades against the very public they purport to serve, we should never tire of holding people responsible for their actions.

From politicians to sportsmen, everyone must put in the work necessary to curb the scourge of racism whenever and wherever it rears its ugly head.

He faces charges of rape and sexual assault for allegedly raping an 18-year-old teenager and sexually grooming a 16-year-old girl. He is being held at the Kgosi Mampuru prison.

Video courtesy of SABC

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This unique seasonal safari offering forges an intimate connection with the ecosystems in South Africa’s largest wildlife reserve, the Kruger National Park in Mpumalanga.

Kruger Untamed comprises two low-impact “vanishing” camps that only operate from May to September each year:

• Tshokwane River Camp: an intimate 20-tent camp along the seasonal Ripape Riverbed, offering direct access to rich riverine biodiversity and peaceful walking routes.
• Satara Plains Camp: a 30-tent camp set in the predator-rich region of the Kruger National Park, renowned for its vast open horizons and abundant wildlife.

Both camps offer light-footprint canvas accommodations equipped with essential comforts, allowing guests to experience the wilderness closely without sacrificing simplicity or care.

Children over 12 are welcome to enjoy the experience too, making it the ideal ‘family reconnect’ holiday.

True to its eco-conscious philosophy, each camp is entirely dismantled at the end of the season, leaving nothing behind and ensuring that the delicate balance of the Kruger is preserved intact long after the season ends.

Let nature set the pace

A day at one of Kruger Untamed’s camps is guided not by the clock, but by the rhythms of nature.

At the heart of this novel safari experience are a team of passionate rangers and trackers, whose knowledge of the landscape has been shaped across generations.

Following animal tracks across dry riverbeds and reading the subtle signs of the bush, they bring nature to life through stories, sightings and the traditions of the local Shangaan people.

Their experience gives guests a deeper understanding of the land, its wildlife and the fleeting encounters that make every safari different.

The rhythm of life at Kruger Untamed is guided by the environment itself. Spanning the full spectrum of the ecosystem, guests have the opportunity to encounter Africa’s iconic Big Five — lion, leopard, elephant, rhinoceros, and African buffalo.

Not forgetting the lesser-known, equally fascinating ‘Small Five’: the antlion, buffalo weaver, elephant shrew, leopard tortoise, and rhino beetle.

Guided tracking walks bring these smaller creatures into sharp focus, showcasing how every inhabitant, large and small, sustains the natural harmony of the bush. Bushveld birding is another drawcard.

By offering guests a chance to slow down and tread lightly, Kruger Untamed continues to demonstrate how immersive travel and quiet environmental stewardship naturally come together in the heart of South Africa’s wilderness, guaranteeing guests a ‘one-of-a-kind experience’.

Kruger Untamed is part of the Motsamayi Tourism Group, South Africa’s oldest black-empowered tourism group, renowned for its expertise in creating, curating, and celebrating Africa’s iconic destinations.

For more information, visit the Kruger Untamed website or email reservations@krugeruntamed.com.

Win a stay at Tshokwane River Camp

Sunday Times, in partnership with Kruger Untamed, is giving away an unforgettable bush escape worth R31,800.

The prize includes:

• Two-nights’ accommodation for two adults in a luxury double/twin canvas suite in the Tshokwane River Camp;
• All meals, teas and coffees daily, as well as soft drinks, house wines, local brand spirits and beers; and
• Two game drives daily in an open safari vehicle or daily guided walking safari with a rifled ranger.

To enter, SMS the words Kruger Untamed, your full name, ID number, physical and email address to 48470.

Terms and conditions:

• SMSes charged at R1,50. Errors will be charged. Free bundle SMSes do not apply.
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A public protector report released on Thursday, which relates to former Ekurhuleni city manager Imogen Mashazi, succinctly and timeously highlights how vitally important it is to ensure that qualified, competent people run our municipalities.

Among a series of investigation reports released by public protector Kholeka Gcaleka was one that found Mashazi had committed improper conduct by appointing an official who did not qualify for a senior metro police post.

That official was Ndumiso Gcwabe, who was appointed deputy chief of Metro Police: Security and Loss Control despite not having the required qualifications.

It seems no one bothered to check that his national diploma was an NQF level 7 qualification. As the accounting officer at the time, Mashazi was found guilty of improper conduct.

Unfortunately, Mashazi, who we all came to know well for her disdainful demeanour at the Madlanga commission and her penchant for luxury private jets, is now retired and cannot be sanctioned for her carelessness. But the silver lining is that she is facing potentially far more serious censure: criminal charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice, alongside other City of Ekurhuleni officials.

With the 2026 local government elections a month away, South Africans have a window of opportunity to vote for a party they are confident will prioritise clean, efficient service delivery by ensuring officials are suitably qualified and can capably do the jobs they are hired to do.

Gcaleka raises two similar issues at other municipalities, in which unqualified applicants were appointed to senior positions due to a lack of basic checks, and adds that her office has received multiple complaints following the same pattern.

With the 2026 local government elections a month away, South Africans have a window of opportunity to vote for a party they are confident will prioritise clean, efficient service delivery by ensuring officials are suitably qualified and can capably do the jobs they are hired to do.

The Madlanga commission exposed the Ekurhuleni metro as an incubator for corruption and incompetence. A few wrong people in key positions can have a wide-reaching impact on the financial and operational stability of a municipality. And the knock-on effect of that, as we all know, is a marked drop in service delivery levels.

So before you mark your cross on the ballot paper on November 4, do your homework. Research track records. Put your local candidate on the spot and make it clear that your vote comes with a condition: they will be consistently assessed and held to account.

No jobs for pals or tenders for party donations. Clean governance all the way. Only with this zero tolerance approach will we be able to regenerate our battered towns and cities.

Story audio is generated using AI

There’s an obvious contradiction in telling women that their worth has nothing to do with their appearance when you have spent most of your adult life in industries involving catwalks, evening gowns, judges and crowns. Joani Jacobs knows that. The former Mrs South Africa is now CEO of the organisation she once competed in, founder and CEO of Ace Models International, wife, mother, entrepreneur and, with the publication of Crowned in Confidence, author. Her central message is that women need to stop outsourcing their self-worth to other people. Easier said than done.

Modern humans now carry several million other people around in their phones specifically so we can all judge one another.

“I want to remind women of their worth,” Jacobs says when I meet her for a coffee. “We start tying our worth to external factors — validation, other people’s opinions, success, looks. But worth is something we already have within.”

Her authority on the subject comes partly from having spent two decades building businesses in precisely the territory where external validation flourishes. Jacobs founded Ace Models in 2005, won Mrs South Africa in 2009 and, when the then owner of the pageant emigrated, was offered the opportunity to take over. She didn’t, she says, think twice. “I made a plan and I made it happen.”

She carries around the confidence of which she writes. Beneath the talk of crowns and confidence is a formidable businesswoman. Ace Models has grown from one academy into an international operation with more than 30 franchises, while Mrs South Africa has been deliberately repositioned under Jacobs from conventional beauty pageant to commercial business and female development programme.

The crown, in other words, didn’t create the entrepreneur. The entrepreneur worked out what to do with her crown. Jacobs argues that pageantry taught her things university couldn’t: how to walk into a room when terrified, speak in public, deal with clients and sponsors, work with people and, crucially, project confidence before she had any.

“You fake it till you make it in the beginning,” she says. “Even though you don’t know what you’re doing or you’re scared, you have to show up. People respect that.”

“If you want to change something because of an insecurity, because you feel you need to fit a certain mould, then it’s coming from the wrong place.”

It’s produced results. Under her watch, South Africa has had two Mrs World winners: Candice Abrahams and, most recently, Tshego Gaelae, who became the first black woman to win the international title in its then 40-year history. Ace Models’ alumna Demi-Leigh Nel-Peters, who started at the academy aged 12, went on to become Miss South Africa and Miss Universe.

But Jacobs immediately dismisses the notion that pageantry is just a collection of beautiful women smiling competitively at each other. She talks repeatedly about “sisterhood”: women she met through modelling and pageants who became mentors, friends and eventually bridesmaids. At Ace, modelling sits alongside public speaking, personal development and life skills. At Mrs South Africa, there are no height or weight restrictions, she says, and contestants come in different ages, shapes and sizes.

Still, it’s undeniable, beauty matters. Pretending otherwise doesn’t square with reality. Jacobs laughs when I tell her about an argument with my husband, who maintains women shouldn’t need make-up to feel good.

Her response? “Okay, well then tell him to leave the Porsche at home.”

It’s a good line because it neatly captures her philosophy. Wanting to look good and possessing substance aren’t mutually exclusive. The problem begins when enhancement comes from the conviction that the original product is defective.

“If you want to change something because of an insecurity, because you feel you need to fit a certain mould, then it’s coming from the wrong place,” she says. “It needs to come from confidence rather than insecurity.”

That distinction has become considerably harder for girls growing up in the age of Instagram faces, filters, fillers, likes and algorithmic approval. Jacobs sees it at close range with her teenage daughter, Jesse — the same adolescent negotiations around popularity, belonging and confidence that she remembers from growing up in Welkom, except now conducted before a potential audience of millions of strangers.

Her answer isn’t banning social media. “You can’t get away from it,” she says. Better to teach girls how to navigate it while repeatedly reinforcing who they are away from the screen.

Crowned in Confidence draws on Jacobs’s own experiences of bullying, motherhood, divorce, remarriage, faith and building businesses. It also makes a case for femininity in leadership — another word that’s become oddly contentious. She says she once believed female leaders needed to become harder to succeed in traditionally male environments. Age and experience changed her mind. “Femininity is a strength,” she says. “Vulnerability is a strength.”

There’s steel beneath the softness.

Her twenties started the businesses; her thirties, she says, were “building, building, building”. At 45, she’s written her first book and still intends doing an MBA, maybe at 50. “You’re never too old,” she says.

Jacobs’s book impresses me most on this topic. She doesn’t rather photogenically claim to have conquered insecurity. She admits that she hasn’t. There are wrinkles that weren’t there a few years ago, a changing body, perimenopause, days when she doesn’t feel her best. Confidence, she shares, doesn’t arrive with a tiara and remain permanently installed. Life keeps chipping away at it. The trick is knowing that what gets chipped is not your worth.

Jacobs has spent much of her life around women competing for crowns. Her book argues that the important one is the crown that isn’t an award — and that’s the crown no one gets to take away.

Jean-Paul Willemse, Kwela Books

Whether you love true-crime podcasts or are obsessed with the designer-clad gangsters on SA’s TV screens, gangsterism has been a subject discussed in many different forms. It’s also become synonymous with the townships of Cape Town, with a tendency for people to oversimplify this complex world and obsess over the crimes — the violent rape of women, the rags-to-riches tales and even dingy drug addictions. These become cautionary tales that are charged with moralistic codes that don’t seem to empathise with their characters or subjects.

But that is not the case with the debut novel from Jean-Paul Willemse. In Ashes of Euphoria, we get a window into the minds of youths trying to just see another day alive. Not necessarily to punish them or the gang-ridden Kraaifontein they call home in Cape Town, but to understand the psyche of township nihilism.

We follow three characters, Jameel, Zaid and Stacey. Each one goes through life-changing choices following the events of one fateful night.

Don’t get my summary of the story wrong — this is not some teen slop dripping with love triangles and neon-coloured eyeshadow. It is an immersive dive into the thick skin you need to develop when you live a life with so few options.

Rather than shame the need to resort to crime, it unpacks the decisions each character makes to have a better life or to simply keep scraps of food on the table. Something each thug at the top is trying to do in their own decrepit way.

The story is best understood through the eyes of Jameel: a people-pleaser who is too passive and, quite frankly, too high to grow a backbone. We get a great sense of gang-dominated Kraaifontein through his eyes — its dusty streets, the vibrant music from its humble homes and the loneliness left by his neglectful parents.

Jameel’s cousin, Zaid, is an OnlyFans star who sets off the events that change their lives forever. After filming a scene with Stacey (Jameel is a passive observer of the whole affair), their fame gets the attention of Vonkie, a local drug lord. This gets Jameel stuck in Vonkie’s gang while Stacey is human-trafficked.

It’s not a shack in an offshore country or a murky dockyard but rather a luxe mansion in Yzerfontein run by queenpin Abidemi. While she carries herself with the classiness of a British royal, she has the unyielding cruelty of Cersei Lannister and Griselda Blanco combined. It’s a trait many of the drug lords and corrupt officials operate with throughout the book. Vonkie’s Machiavellian plots used to trick Jameel into his gang showcase his lack of conscience.

Not a single page is wasted as events move quickly. The quiet town of Darling is the backdrop for the many shady deals and gunslinging fights the characters are embroiled in. And the speed at which it moves does not go without adverse effects on Stacey, Zaid and Jameel. Willemse unfurls the whiplash they feel as they try to adapt to unaccommodating circumstances, people and environments.

There’s a grossness that sticks to your skin as we learn about the fetishes of Abidemi’s sex-trafficking business and how Stacey plots her escape. But you quickly come to understand how to survive this dark corner of the world and how it’s really the consumer that seems to be the true monster, not just the suppliers.

It’s a faster pace compared with the spider’s web laid by Vonkie and the emotional chess expected of the cops and his lackeys. Jameel in particular struggles as a character who is often a bystander of his own life — the perfect victim to manipulative criminals who can pin him for murders he never committed and watch him as he normalises unwarranted violence. His arc best carries the book’s themes, while Stacey’s human trafficking ordeal quickly turns her into a John Wick-like character.

While we all have the opportunity to do the right thing and choose our destinies, what happens when those choices are unequal? Like any small town with poor services and cycles of poverty that are built to keep people stuck in a rat race to nowhere, Willemse’s Kraaifontein unfurls the difficulty of believing in better opportunities. It’s not the lack of money or education that makes the crime lord, but the systemic issues that are not resolved. A lawlessness that makes any young or old person normalise their resignation with no hope for positive outcomes.

Ashes of Euphoria adds to the literature with a fresh perspective on surviving a hard-knock life. It helps us sympathise and understand how these systems work, and that it’s not only up to those communities to push back but also to those engaged in the problem.

With spring in full swing and the summer season around the corner, we look at some of his best outfits for inspiration on how to put your best cleats forward.

Collegiate

A key element to building a closet like Mntambo’s is the preppy approach he takes. Throughout his looks there are elements of kofifi influences, with vintage flat caps and a vibrant vintage colour palette.

Give neutral shirts, shoes and trousers a splash of colour through accessories such as backpacks, glasses or neckties.

Short ’n sweet

If you don’t like the trendy kilts and bermuda shorts, you are going to have a hard time adjusting to this part of the soccer star’s limitless style. The appeal of this look is that it can accommodate any changes in your day. It can go formal with the addition of a blazer, yacht-ready with sandals or boat shoes, and even sunset drinks with a scarf and retro sunglasses. Just have fun.

Co-ord king

Matchy-matchy? Not necessarily. There is a playfulness to Mntambo’s style lingo, and co-ords are some of the best ways for him to embrace bold colours or striking prints. It’s also one of the best ways you can take notes on bold accessory choices, which he uses to finish a look. Other than his staple hats or glasses, look to complementary watches or rings to spice up an ensemble. Keep the silhouette relaxed, as these pieces often move between work and play.

On trend

Mntambo always has a finger on the pulse of menswear trends — and when he doesn’t, he’s already at the forefront of those starting to take over. Among these is a focus on the men’s waist. Whether you go for high-waisted trousers or cinched jackets, have fun with scarves as belts or layered pieces that bring attention to your silhoutte — regardless of your shape. It’s an inclusive approach to style and anyone can have fun with it.

TimesLIVE

LEN is near-perfect at preventing HIV for six months at a time.

That makes lenacapavir more than a test of HIV prevention. It is a test of South Africa’s ambition to manufacture more of the medicines Africa needs, while ensuring that access comes first.

South African researchers and trial participants helped generate the evidence showing that LEN can prevent HIV. The health department started rolling out the injection in June. Potential local manufacturers are also being assessed for a voluntary licence to produce generic versions in the country.

But wanting to manufacture a medicine locally and being able to make enough of it, at the right quality and price, are very different things.

If South Africa wants local production of LEN to improve access, we need to answer difficult questions now. Who will buy the locally made product? At what price? How much will manufacturers need to produce to make it viable? What technology and licensing will they need? And how quickly can this happen when lower-cost generics made elsewhere are expected from 2027?

Where the local manufacturing process stands

The process has started. In July deputy health minister Joe Phaahla announced that a committee convened by the South African National Aids Council (Sanac) and health department selected three South African manufacturers as potential candidates to make LEN and submitted the list to the injection’s developer, Gilead Sciences, for assessment and possible voluntary licensing. Sanac says that process will take between three and six months.

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Any local arrangement will require technology transfer — giving manufacturers the knowledge and skills needed to make the product — as well as investment by the manufacturer and regulatory approval before locally made LEN can leave a production line.

A South African licence is also likely to differ from the six generic licences Gilead has already granted to manufacturers in Egypt, India and Pakistan. Those licences were designed to supply 120 low- and middle-income countries, including South Africa, from established generic manufacturing bases.

They require manufacturers to make LEN from start to finish, including its main ingredient, known as the active pharmaceutical ingredient, or API.

A South African licence would be more developmental: companies would not necessarily have to make the API themselves and could instead import it.

Local production would probably start with parts of the process that can be established fastest, such as making the finished product, producing the sterile injectable, packaging or quality control.

That can still be valuable.

But we need to be clear about what “local manufacturing” means, rather than confusing it with complete independence from global supply chains.

What must happen before a local injection is ready

A shortlist of manufacturers is only the beginning.

To make LEN locally, a manufacturer needs a licence with clear terms, access to the technical knowledge needed to make the product, reliable supplies of ingredients and materials, and strict quality systems for producing a long-acting injection. It also needs to meet the production and registration requirements of the country’s medicines regulator, the South African Health Products Regulatory Authority (Sahpra).

Then come the practical steps: adapting a production line, testing and validating the manufacturing process, proving that the product remains safe and stable, training staff, passing inspections, registering the product and monitoring its safety once it is being used widely.

South Africa has regulatory experience, clinical trial expertise and a pharmaceutical manufacturing base. But none of this happens simply because local manufacturing is desirable.

The biggest risk is easy to predict: a manufacturer invests in the capacity to make LEN, but the market is too small or uncertain to produce it affordably.

If locally made LEN is produced in small volumes only for South Africa, it may struggle to compete on price with large generic manufacturers supplying many countries. If South African manufacturers can supply a regional market, particularly if countries combine their orders and buy together, the economics look very different.

Demand is the missing piece

The question, then, is not only whether South Africa can make LEN. It is whether enough of it will be bought, at a price that allows local production to survive.

South Africa’s HIV prevention needs are large; we have around 134 000 new infections per year.

But government budgets are under pressure, and prevention programmes already have to pay for a daily HIV prevention pill, condoms, HIV testing, sexually transmitted infection (STI) services, community outreach and treatment.

LEN should expand people’s choices; it should not drain resources from prevention methods people already use.

That is why guaranteed demand matters, which Unitaid has indicated it would be prepared to help with.

Governments can give manufacturers more certainty about demand through national roll-out plans and commitments to buy the product.

Donors and large buyers, including the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria, can help by buying LEN made in Africa. African countries could also join forces to place larger orders, which could help bring down the price.

Without predictable demand, a local licence risks becoming a symbolic victory rather than a practical way to expand access.

Can local production happen quickly enough?

Timing is the hardest question.

Existing generic licence holders are expected to start supplying lower-cost LEN from 2027, subject to regulatory approval. If those products arrive quickly and cost around the projected $40 (around R650) per person per year, South Africa will have to ask where a locally made product fits.

The answer should not be defensive. The fastest route to access may be to import affordable generics while local production is being developed.

Access and manufacturing are related goals, but they are not the same goal. People at risk of HIV should not have to wait for local production if safe, affordable products are available sooner.

At the same time, relying only on imports leaves South Africa and the region vulnerable to the next supply shock, pricing dispute or new medicine that takes too long to reach us.

Local manufacturing is worth pursuing because learning to make LEN could help South Africa make other important medicines locally in future, including for HIV, TB, STIs and future pandemics.

What needs to happen now

South Africa shouldn’t have to choose between getting LEN to people quickly and making it locally. We need to do both — without allowing local manufacturing to slow down access.

First, government should publish a realistic plan for how much LEN it expects to need and buy. Manufacturers need to know likely volumes, timelines and price expectations.

Communities need to know that LEN will be introduced as part of a broader package of HIV prevention options, rather than replacing existing choices.

Second, Gilead and its licensing partners should be clear about what South Africa will gain from a licence, including the knowledge and technology that will be shared with local manufacturers. A licence that initially allows only some parts of LEN production to happen locally could still be valuable. But over time, South African companies should be allowed to learn to do more of the work themselves.

Third, donors and organisations that buy medicines for African countries should help make local manufacturing work. If LEN made in Africa is safe, works well and is affordable, they should be willing to buy it. If it costs more at first, donors and governments will have to decide whether it is worth paying a little extra for a limited time to help build a reliable supply of medicines made in Africa.

Finally, Sahpra must have the resources it needs to move quickly without lowering its standards. Speed matters, but public trust depends on quality.

The real test

LEN gives South Africa a rare HIV prevention opportunity. A twice-yearly injection could help people who struggle with daily pills because of stigma, privacy concerns, transport costs, relationship dynamics or simply the difficulty of taking a pill every day.

But having the product will not, by itself, reduce HIV infections. Access will depend on price, procurement, trained health workers, community trust and services that reach the people who need LEN most.

South Africa helped prove that LEN works. The next question is whether we can make it affordable and widely available, while also strengthening our ability to make medicines in Africa.

Local manufacturing should not be used as a reason to delay access. Nor should getting affordable LEN in the short term become a reason to give up on local manufacturing.

The task is to do both: import affordable LEN when that is the fastest way to protect people now, while building the licensing, demand, financing and regulatory conditions that will allow South Africa to manufacture it for the region in the future.

That is the real LEN test. Not whether South Africa can announce an ambition, but whether it can turn that ambition into injections in clinics, a reliable supply for the region and a stronger medicines manufacturing base for the next breakthrough.

• Prof Vinodh Aroon Edward is group chief operating officer at The Aurum Institute, where he helps to advance clinical research and health innovation across Africa. He has more than 20 years of experience in biotechnology and clinical research and has provided leadership in major international trials.

This story was produced by the Bhekisisa Centre for Health Journalism. Sign up for the newsletter.

Video courtesy of SABC.

TimesLIVE

In a market where clients have more options and less patience for complexity, a good product or a sharp price will only take you so far.

What makes clients stay — and come back, and tell others — is how simple it feels to work with you: from the first enquiry through to payment, delivery and after-sales support.

A recent Capitec BizTalk explored how businesses can turn client experience into a competitive edge — watch the recording of the event below.

BizTalk is a business-focused platform launched by Capitec in partnership with Business Day and Arena Events. It brings together entrepreneurs, business leaders and financial experts for meaningful interactions that offer fresh perspectives and actionable insights to help South African businesses thrive.

A practical conversation for business owners

Real-world lessons from experienced entrepreneurs and financial experts

A slow response. A process with too many steps. Having to explain the same problem to three different people.

Each one feels like a minor inconvenience. But repeated across every client interaction, they quietly shape how people experience your whole business — and send them looking for someone easier to deal with.

The good news? You don’t have to fix everything at once. Often, the biggest gains come from finding one frustrating step and removing it. That’s where providing a better client experience becomes a genuine business strategy.

At the recent BizTalk event, Capitec’s Basani Maluleke, group executive for Personal Banking, and Riaan Klopper, executive head of Business Banking and the bank’s Business Support Centre, unpacked what it takes to turn everyday client interactions into a real competitive advantage.

This wasn’t a lecture on theory. It was a practical conversation about how to spot the friction in your business, simplify how you operate and use both people and technology to create experiences that keep clients coming back.

What you’ll gain from watching the recording of this Capitec BizTalk:

• How to spot the friction points that could be costing your business clients and revenue.
• How to turn client feedback into practical improvements.
• How to use simplicity and speed to set your business apart.
• How to build trust through consistent, effortless experiences.
• How better client experiences lead to loyalty, advocacy and sustainable growth.

Watch the recording above.

Why you should attend the next Capitec BizTalk

Each insight-driven BizTalk event is designed to help you navigate the challenges and opportunities of building and growing a sustainable business — and leave you with practical ideas you can act on immediately.

As an added bonus, one lucky business owner attending the event stands a chance to win an advertising package^* valued at R50,000, redeemable across leading Arena Holdings titles, including Business Day, Sunday Times or TimesLIVE.

As part of the prize, the winner will also be profiled in Business Day’s ‘Entrepreneurs with an edge’ series, helping to put their business in front of a wider audience.

Visit the Capitec BizTalk hub to catch up on highlights and key takeaways from previous events, and stay updated on upcoming events.

This article was sponsored by Capitec.

^{*Ts and Cs apply.}

In a market where clients have more options and less patience for complexity, a good product or a sharp price will only take you so far.

What makes clients stay — and come back, and tell others — is how simple it feels to work with you: from the first enquiry through to payment, delivery and after-sales support.

A recent Capitec BizTalk explored how businesses can turn client experience into a competitive edge — watch the recording of the event below.

BizTalk is a business-focused platform launched by Capitec in partnership with Business Day and Arena Events. It brings together entrepreneurs, business leaders and financial experts for meaningful interactions that offer fresh perspectives and actionable insights to help South African businesses thrive.

A practical conversation for business owners

Real-world lessons from experienced entrepreneurs and financial experts

A slow response. A process with too many steps. Having to explain the same problem to three different people.

Each one feels like a minor inconvenience. But repeated across every client interaction, they quietly shape how people experience your whole business — and send them looking for someone easier to deal with.

The good news? You don’t have to fix everything at once. Often, the biggest gains come from finding one frustrating step and removing it. That’s where providing a better client experience becomes a genuine business strategy.

At the recent BizTalk event, Capitec’s Basani Maluleke, group executive for Personal Banking, and Riaan Klopper, executive head of Business Banking and the bank’s Business Support Centre, unpacked what it takes to turn everyday client interactions into a real competitive advantage.

This wasn’t a lecture on theory. It was a practical conversation about how to spot the friction in your business, simplify how you operate and use both people and technology to create experiences that keep clients coming back.

What you’ll gain from watching the recording of this Capitec BizTalk:

• How to spot the friction points that could be costing your business clients and revenue.
• How to turn client feedback into practical improvements.
• How to use simplicity and speed to set your business apart.
• How to build trust through consistent, effortless experiences.
• How better client experiences lead to loyalty, advocacy and sustainable growth.

Watch the recording above.

Why you should attend the next Capitec BizTalk

Each insight-driven BizTalk event is designed to help you navigate the challenges and opportunities of building and growing a sustainable business — and leave you with practical ideas you can act on immediately.

As an added bonus, one lucky business owner attending the event stands a chance to win an advertising package^* valued at R50,000, redeemable across leading Arena Holdings titles, including Business Day, Sunday Times or TimesLIVE.

As part of the prize, the winner will also be profiled in Business Day’s ‘Entrepreneurs with an edge’ series, helping to put their business in front of a wider audience.

Visit the Capitec BizTalk hub to catch up on highlights and key takeaways from previous events, and stay updated on upcoming events.

This article was sponsored by Capitec.

^{*Ts and Cs apply.}

The awards, which are also handed out for outstanding achievements in physics, chemistry, literature and peace, come with a recently increased prize amount of 12-million krona (R19.9m) and bestow instant fame on the recipients that is unthinkable for most scientists.

Who was Alfred Nobel?

The Nobel Prize was created by wealthy Swedish chemist and entrepreneur Alfred Nobel, who in his will dictated that the bulk of his estate should be used to fund “prizes to those who, during the preceding year, have conferred the greatest benefit to humankind”.

Best known as the inventor of dynamite, Nobel was also a businessman, poet and linguist who could speak Russian, French, English and German by the age of 17. The five original prize categories reflect interests closest to his heart.

Nobel spent much of his career developing weapons technologies and made a fortune from them but later in life became a close friend of Austrian peace activist Bertha von Suttner. She went on to become the first woman to win the peace prize in 1905, and many believe it was her influence that made him include an award for that category.

Nobel died in 1896, but it took until 1901, after a legal battle over his will, before the first prizes were awarded.

Who awards the Nobel prizes?

Nobel selected the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences to award the prizes for chemistry and physics, the Swedish Academy for literature, the Swedish Karolinska Institute medical university for physiology or medicine, and the Norwegian parliament for peace. It is not known exactly why Nobel chose Norway to hand out the peace prize, though it could reflect that Norway and Sweden were linked in a political union at the time he penned his will.

In 1968, when Sweden’s central bank was celebrating its 300th anniversary, it established the Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel with a donation to the Nobel Foundation. The prize is awarded by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, according to the same principles as the other prizes.

Famous and infamous laureates

Notable Nobel laureates include physicists Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr, authors Ernest Hemingway and Albert Camus, and leaders such as Nelson Mandela and Mother Teresa.

The Curies were the most successful “Nobel Prize family”, with Marie Curie winning twice and her husband, daughter and son-in-law also among Nobel laureates.

Only five people have won multiple Nobel prizes, with American chemist and peace activist Linus Pauling the only person to have received two unshared Nobel prizes.

Some awards have aged poorly, such as Egas Moniz’s 1949 medicine prize for the now discredited practice of lobotomy.

Many peace prizes have also been criticised, including those for Henry Kissinger, Yasser Arafat, Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres. Failure to give the prize to Mahatma Gandhi before his death in 1948 is also seen by many as a great oversight.

The festivities

The Nobel prizes are presented to the laureates on December 10, the anniversary of Nobel’s death. The peace prize is handed out by the chairperson of the Norwegian Nobel Committee in Oslo, while the other prizes are presented by the Swedish king in the Stockholm Concert Hall.

During the evening, about 1,300 guests are treated to a lavish banquet at Stockholm City Hall. The menu, meticulously planned for months by some of Sweden’s best chefs and sommeliers, is kept a secret until the food is served by 200 waiters.

The food has a Nordic theme, and last year’s menu featured porcini mushroom soup, turbot stuffed with scallops and sugar kelp, and blackthorn berry sorbet with baked fresh cheese cream and browned butter sponge.

Reuters

Story audio is generated using AI

The leaders of the ANC, DA, EFF, IFP and ActionSA clashed in a fiery debate over corruption, coalition politics, immigration and service delivery at a City of Johannesburg leaders debate on Thursday.

The debate, co-hosted by Business Day, Sowetan and Sunday Times in partnership with Wits University, repeatedly returned to the question of whether Johannesburg’s recent history of unstable coalitions could be overcome by a single-party administration or a different coalition configuration.

Johannesburg, South Africa’s economic powerhouse, is likely to see a fierce fight for the control of the metro in the November local government elections on November 4.

The city contributes between 15% and 16.5% of national GDP, making it the single largest metropolitan contributor to the economy. But it has been hit hard by unemployment, immigration issues, poor infrastructure, rising levels of violent crime and vandalism and a lack of service delivery.

With just over a month before voters go to the polls, the debate highlighted how the Johannesburg contest is likely to be fought over those issues.

DA leader Geordin Hill-Lewis conceded the city had become a “failed state” over the past decade under the governance of the ANC and his party.

He said the DA would seek an outright majority to govern the city this time round. He said it would then appoint a capable city manager to run it. Taking a jab at the ANC’s “cadre deployment” policy, he said the person heading an administration of about 180,000 employees needed to be selected based on competence rather than as a political deployment.

“If there is any person in South Africa who is capable of turning around something as broken as the City of Joburg, it is Helen,” Hill-Lewis said, referring to former DA leader Helen Zille.

Still, he conceded that coalitions were now an established feature of South African politics and urged parties to find common ground.

“The desire ... for corruption is incompatible with coalition governments,” he said.

The EFF and the DA were constantly at each other’s throats throughout the debate, highlighting the divergence of the two parties’ ideologies.

EFF leader Julius Malema took exception to Hill-Lewis’s characterisation of his party as a source of “chaos” in coalition governments.

He also rejected allegations that the party had sought tenders from former DA councillor Herman Mashaba during Mashaba’s tenure as Johannesburg mayor.

Mashaba is now the leader of ActionSA and is contesting for the Joburg mayorship.

The exchange escalated when Hill-Lewis raised the VBS Mutual Bank scandal and the parliamentary findings against former EFF deputy president Floyd Shivambu.

Hill-Lewis also cited the instability in Ekurhuleni as an example of what he described as coalition chaos involving the EFF. Malema rejected this, saying the dispute had been political and that there had been no finding of financial misconduct against the EFF MMCs involved.

The two leaders also clashed over the state of the national economy. Hill-Lewis defended the GNU and said economic reforms were starting to put the economy in a better position. Malema disputed that and pointed to weak economic growth as evidence that the GNU should not be presented as a success.

The debate also exposed differences over immigration and ethnic mobilisation.

Malema said political mobilisation based on ethnicity or race was unsustainable and argued that South Africa’s constitutional order required the country to unite its population. He also rejected xenophobic vigilantism, saying ordinary citizens should not be responsible for determining whether someone was legally in the country.

IFP leader Velenkosini Hlabisa agreed that ethnic mobilisation was dangerous, but maintained that the IFP remained opposed to undocumented foreign nationals remaining in South Africa.

Hlabisa also announced that the IFP would host a roundtable conference on femicide on October 9 and called on other political parties to participate.

Mashaba said illegal immigration was one of several major issues facing Johannesburg, but he rejected the idea that his political identity was defined solely by the issue.

Mashaba, who served as Johannesburg mayor from 2016 to 2019, attacked the DA for corruption. He said when he was DA mayor, he had fired three DA MMCs for corruption, but the party had refused to remove them as councillors.

Mashaba also accused the DA of political manoeuvring against him during his tenure as mayor and raised questions about a tender awarded during his administration.

Hill-Lewis did not substantively engage the historical allegations, instead arguing that Mashaba’s campaign had become excessively focused on Zille and urging him to concentrate on issues affecting Johannesburg residents.

“I think in a few weeks, in literally five weeks, we sincerely hope that the residents of Joburg will give us an outright majority,” Hill-Lewis said.

ANC deputy secretary-general Nomvula Mokonyane used the debate to defend her party’s “renewal” project and its record in Johannesburg, while acknowledging the party’s previous shortcomings.

She said the city had been filling strategic vacancies, including bringing in engineers and other technical personnel, and was working with national government departments to strengthen revenue management.

Mokonyane said the ANC wanted revenue collected from water and electricity services to be ring-fenced so that it could be allocated to the entities responsible for providing those services. She also said the party wanted to strengthen Pikitup’s capacity, revive its Jozi@Work programme and restore an indigent policy.

She said youth employment and economic opportunities would be central to the ANC’s Johannesburg campaign, pointing to a recently adopted economic development strategy, youth enhancement programme and skills development facilitation programme.

Mokonyane said revenue collection in Johannesburg had increased to more than 90%. The city’s 2026/27 budget documents, however, show a revised revenue collection rate of 86%, down from 88.6%, with the city identifying illegal connections, billing inefficiencies and revenue leakages as continuing challenges.

Mokonyane also clashed with Hill-Lewis over housing and spatial inequality, particularly in Cape Town.

She questioned the DA’s approach to public land and access to housing for disadvantaged communities, while Hill-Lewis said national human settlements figures showed Cape Town had delivered more state-subsidised housing than any other metro over the previous five years.

Business Day

Mbalula and other ANC leaders have been on a charm offensive with royal houses and churches since the party launched its manifesto in August as it attempts to drum up its traditional support to save the limping party.

Mbalula, national chair Gwede Mantashe and President Cyril Ramaphosa have been criss-crossing the country meeting with traditional and church leaders. Mantashe has centred most of his campaign in the Eastern Cape while Ramaphosa has mostly been campaigning in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal.

Mbalula has placed his focus squarely on Limpopo and this week received a glowing welcome by the Her Majesty Queen Leganabatho II Thulare of the Bapedi Nation. The Bapedi Nation has authority over 5-million people, about 10% of the country’s population.

This comes as the ANC is paying more attention to traditional leadership in this election to claw back lost support in the various municipalities.

In its 2026 local government elections manifesto, the ANC directs all its mayors where it governs to convene a mayor and traditional authority forums within 100 days after elections that will sign a compact to convene imbizos twice a year with communities.

During his courtesy visit this week, Mbalula, who was accompanied by ANC Youth League president Collen Malatji and provincial secretary Reuben Madadzhe, gifted the queen five live cows as he had promised during her birthday celebration just over a month ago.

Mbalula went on a charm offensive telling Queen Thulare that he considered the Bapedi royal house as the home of the ANC, which since its inception in 1912 has always been an organisation of royal families.

“We thank you for welcoming us to deliver gifts from the ANC. I am here as a Jola [Mbalula clan name] but I am leaving as a Hlabirwa [clan name linked to Bapedi royalty],” said Mbalula to loud cheers and ululations.

“I come from royalty myself, our royal house is the Amampondomise. In that royal household it is us the Jolas that are representing the Amampondomise. I am not walking around as a normal person, I come from royalty.”

Mbalula said the ANC is an organisation of God and ancestors, emphasising that this explained the showers that blessed his visit.

Queen Thulare said she was excited to receive a courtesy visit from a high-ranking leader of the ANC.

“Have you ever thought that one day we would receive here at home a secretary-general? Have you ever witnessed that? Today we are overjoyed,” she said.

“You know God does miracles because the person who is here is not just a normal person and God blessed us with the rain that has been falling since yesterday and we wondered if he will be able to arrive and he did.”

Queen Thulare gifted Mbalula with the traditional regalia of leopard skin accorded to a warrior in recognition of honour, courage and distinguished service.

According to Bapedi Nation Prince Mampuru Sekwati, the regalia bestowed is traditionally worn by the senior regiments of the Bapedi people symbolising valour, dignity and standing within the nation.

“Accompanying the regalia is a ceremonial staff adorned with genuine leopard skin, a revered symbol of royalty, authority and noble distinction within Bapedi tradition. Together these symbols represent the honour of the warrior and the esteem in which the recipient is held,” said Prince Sekwati.

Prince Sekwati said the royal family was happy that Mbalula honoured his promise to present cattle to her as a birthday gift.

This, he said, was particularly important in maintaining a relationship with traditional leaders in the country.

“Keeping his word demonstrates genuine respect for traditional leadership. The ANC and traditional leaders share a long history and we are encouraged to see that relationship being strengthened. Political parties that respect and engage traditional and religious leaders will earn the confidence of the communities we serve,” said Prince Sekwati.

Mbalula’s visit is also seen as a way for the ANC to regain the trust of the Zulu Nation King Misuzulu Zulu ka Zwelithini, who enjoys close ties with the Bapedi Nation.

The two royal houses are working towards signing a memorandum of understanding that covers, among others, mineral resources in the areas covered by both Zulu and Bapedi nations as well as their land.

In the draft MOU, which the Sunday Times has seen, the two royal households have agreed that they will not compromise their position on how the minerals and the land in their areas are controlled.

The Zulu Kingdom is rich in gold while the Bapedi Kingdom is rich in chrome and platinum and both control vast amounts of land.

According to the MOU, to be signed later this month, the two kingdoms are expected to agree on tightening the control of their minerals and land, ensuring black people play a central role in mining activities as well as taking a non-negotiable stance on beneficiation.

Tick, tick, tick, tick, tick. Is Pitso Mosimane’s wish list now complete with his return to a Bafana Bafana job he once effectively vowed he might never return to?

Perhaps, if one is super-critical, the defending by Eritrea, also stretched out of shape by some incisive South African attacking in the 5-0 thrashing in Bafana’s second match on Wednesday night left so much to be desired that a smidgen more ruthlessness might have resulted in even more than five goals.

Some on social media are already on Mosimane’s back for it, claiming it might in some manner be similar to the supposed attempted ‘tiki-taka’ the coach attempted to employ in his first stint replacing Carlos Alberto Parreira after the 2010 World Cup. That would seem a grossly unfair assessment. It is spectacularly early days for any such nitpicking.

If anything, if there were a psychologist who could analyse a team’s mindset as imprinted by the approach of a coach, Bafana and Mosimane looked determined to make a start that shows intentions from the workaholic boss to leave no stone unturned — as increasingly became his trademark post-Bafana Part I — putting behind him a departure in 2012 that still stings following a string of draws.

⚽️ 𝔸𝔽ℂ𝕆ℕ𝟚𝟘𝟚𝟟 ℚ𝕦𝕒𝕝𝕚𝕗𝕚𝕖𝕣𝕤 ⚽️

ⒼⓄⒶⓁ : Relebohile Mofokeng gets an opener for Bafana Bafana!

🇪🇷 0⃣➖1⃣ 🇿🇦

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“Of course, when you coach you are happy with five goals, we are happy with three points,” Mosimane said after following a 2-1 win in his first match at Orlando Stadium on Saturday against a tough Guinea with the Eritrea victory.

Most importantly, Mosimane said, the results leave Bafana in a strong position for what will be a crucial qualification for an Afcon.

The coach’s mission depends not just on positive results, he has a vision of taking Bafana higher than predecessor Hugo Broos’s rejuvenation in confidence of the long-ailing national team in the last five years.

Mosimane has dropped hints that, yes, the bronze medal the Belgian achieved in the Afcon in 2024, the best result for South Africa in 24 years, was promising, but the team, with some real talent emerging, should be aiming for a first victory in the tournament since their lone triumph in 1996, and to be more competitive at a World Cup than Broos’s combination were, going out in the last 32 to Canada in June.

Broos is 74, Mosimane is 62. To mirror that age difference, there seems to be a gap in freshness of ideas and determination, as Broos appeared to run out of ideas to some extent and some of his selections raised eyebrows in the build-up to and during the World Cup.

“Eritrea started well, they had a chance and hit the post,” Mosimane said. “Their No 10 [Ali Sulieman] is very strong, he scores a lot of goals and we had to look after him.

⚽️ 𝔸𝔽ℂ𝕆ℕ𝟚𝟘𝟚𝟟 ℚ𝕦𝕒𝕝𝕚𝕗𝕚𝕖𝕣𝕤 ⚽️

ⒼⓄⒶⓁ: More goals for Bafana Bafana!

🇪🇷 0⃣➖4⃣ 🇿🇦

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“I’m happy we won, that’s the most important; six points from two games. A good performance from our boys, we showed respect and played proper football.”

Given Broos’s tenure and the last Nations Cup — Bafana were more disappointing going out in the last 16 in Morocco in January — and World Cup cycles ending, it was pleasing to see Mosimane injecting youth with a 30-player squad, casting his net wide to get to know the leading players close up, which had an average age of 24. It seemed a natural next move. Not all coaches are brave enough to do it facing must-win qualifiers with no warm-ups in their opening two fixtures.

He had clearly observed some of Broos’ late-tenure mistakes closely. Of course he had. That is what Mosimane does — his leading quality with his team of backroom boffins was thoroughness, transforming Mamelodi Sundowns from often under-performing huge spenders into trophy machines and adding two more Caf Champions Leagues at Al Ahly.

Olwethu Makhanya might have come in as a replacement for enforced injury Mbekezeli Mbokazi at centreback, but by how Mosimane spoke, it was clear he was itching to introduce a player setting Scotland’s Rangers alight anyway and was grateful the gap opened to make that move easier.

With Mbokazi, Bafana’s most promising player in years, back playing at Chicago Fire, Mosimane has probably two of the best centreback talents in Africa right now. Ime Okon — and some others on the bench like Khulumani Ndamane — also has major potential but will battle to get his place back now. It’s the kind of competition coaches drool at.

I’m happy one of the most experienced players, Themba Zwane, managed to get the chance [coming on as a 79^th-minute substitute in Cairo] because I would not like him to not play after the [hugely controversial] red card he got in the World Cup. So bring him back, give him the respect, the confidence.

Pitso Mosimane

Luther Singh repaid the coach for his recall from the wilderness, Mosimane spotting his form despite playing in remote Cyprus, with a goal as a substitute against Eritrea. Samukelo Kabini scored as a sub against Guinea and looks set for more than the squad role Broos seemed to have him down for.

Kamogelo Sebelebele took the opportunity presented by stalwart right-back Khuliso Mudau’s injury with both hands as man-of-the-match against Guinea. Mudau is getting on in years, so potential replacements are welcome and will eye their chance.

Relebohile Mofokeng, hidden to some extent to fans and many Bafana legends’ dismay by a cautious Broos at the World Cup, took the confidence he has gained, taking to European football with four goals in nine games at Belgium’s Royale Union Saint Gilloise, into Mosimane’s new spell. The former Buccaneer buzzed against Guinea then scored the opening brace — his first international goals — that broke Eritrea.

“From the team that came from the World Cup we had five players out injured and one who passed on, may his soul rest in peace, Jayden [Adams],” Mosimane said when asked by the Egyptian press — fans of the coach from before his time at Ahly — about the youthful nature of his team after the clash against Eritrea, played in Cairo due to that country’s lack of an approved venue.

“And we had to bring in five new players and had to bring young players, [some based in] Europe, give them the opportunity to play. That’s all we wanted, to bring the age down, but also don’t focus only on bringing the age down; experience also helps. So we have some experienced players.

⚽️ 𝔸𝔽ℂ𝕆ℕ𝟚𝟘𝟚𝟟 ℚ𝕦𝕒𝕝𝕚𝕗𝕚𝕖𝕣𝕤 ⚽️

ⒼⓄⒶⓁ : Siphephelo Sithole makes it three for Bafana Bafana!

🇪🇷 0⃣➖3⃣ 🇿🇦

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“I’m happy one of the most experienced players, Themba Zwane, managed to get the chance [coming on as a 79^th minute substitute in Cairo] because I would not like him to not play after the [hugely controversial] red card he got in the World Cup. So bring him back, give him the respect, the confidence.

“But ja, the foundation is good. It’s the team coming from the World Cup. But just improve it a little bit and let’s try to score more goals.

“You have to be happy with seven goals. Very good.”

Colourful quotes in Bafana press conferences to keep the South African press happy. Tick.

Welcome home, and back where you belong, Mr Mosimane.

This is what embattled suspended deputy national police commissioner Lt-Gen Shadrack Sibiya is alleged to have said in a call to the father of a 16-year-old girl he is accused of sexually grooming.

This was revealed at the Randburg magistrate’s court during Sibiya’s bail application on Thursday.

Sibiya faces five charges including rape, trafficking in persons and the sexual grooming of the 16-year-old girl.

The state alleges that between July and August, Sibiya exchanged communication with the 16-year-old whose father is Sibiya’s bodyguard and is referred to as “Mr M” in court.

In the same chats, Sibiya allegedly requested explicit material from the teen.

Testifying in the bail application, investigating officer Sgt Nokukhanya Ndlovu told the court that there is likelihood that Sibiya would endanger the safety of others if released.

She told the court that Mr M is the 16-year-old complainant’s father who had opened the case.

According to Ndlovu, when Sibiya found that the father had opened a case, he called him and said: “What are you doing, do you know it can take a minute to wipe you and your family?”

Sibiya is also alleged to have told Mr Mr that he bought him food, supported him and that if there was a person to deal with, he (Mr M) is the easiest person to deal with, Ndlovu told the court.

Ndlovu testified that Mr M inferred that Sibiya was threatening him with that statement.

The court also heard that an unknown person also called “Mr M” pretended to be the investigating officer on September 19, a day after the inquiry into the matter became a criminal investigation.

The person allegedly inquired if Mr M had opened the case against Sibiya.

Ndlovu also revealed that Mr M received a call from a police officer close to Sibiya, who asked him: “Are you going to stand for what you have started?”

Other events that the state used to demonstrate that Sibiya is likely to interfere with the case is a telephonic call that Sibiya’s ally, “Bishop” Azwihangwi Maumela, made to Mr M after Sibiya was arrested.

The recording was played in court.

In it, Maumela is heard telling Mr M that he has been told that when Sibiya allegedly raped a second victim, an 18-year-old, he − Mr M − was present.

“The reason I called is because I thought you know the girl and we could sit down with her,” Maumela said in the call.

Ndlovu further said that the 18-year-old was scared to open a case of rape because of Sibiya’s status and was also scared of informing her parents.

The state also flagged in court as a form of threat or intimidation the utterances Maumela made during interviews with the media on Sibiya’s first appearance in court when he said: “We will retaliate.”

Maumela later withdrew the statement. Sibiya has also since distanced himself from Maumela.

Sibiya has denied the allegations levelled against him, describing them as unfounded.

In explaining how he came into possession of explicit material involving the 16-year-old, Sibiya told the court that Mr M had sent it to him. He further claimed that Mr M had told him that his daughter had a crush on him.

Regarding the rape allegation, Sibiya told the court that he had met the 18-year-old at a hotel while she was in the company of her friends. He claimed that the group was highly intoxicated and that he left the hotel.

He said Mr M invited him back the following day, telling him that the women wanted to see him again and were unhappy that he had left early the previous evening.

Sowetan

In a judgment delivered on Thursday, high court judge Stuart Wilson ordered the absolute rescission of a 2021 default judgment that had previously declared the family’s primary residence specially executable, in a ruling that chalks up a victory for consumer rights under the National Credit Act (NCA).

The applicants, mother Karabo Nobuhle Modibedi and her daughter Cecilia Mamoabi Modibedi, took out a bond of just over R270,000 in 2008. For a decade they diligently paid it off, making regular deposits and complying with their bond obligations.

But in 2018 they were hit with financial difficulties and their payment performance deteriorated. The account eventually accumulated just over R310,000 in arrears, meaning that in just over two years they still owed more than the original loan amount.

When Nedbank initiated standard pre-litigation steps by issuing a section 129 notice under the NCA, the Modibedi family did exactly what the law instructs as the correct course of action. On October 5 2020, through a local paralegal organisation, they formally responded to the bank in writing. They asked to restructure their monthly bond payments to bring the account up to date.

The absolute best that can be said for Nedbank’s call log is that it records a series of automated or semi-automated telephonic interactions that took place in a parallel universe to the one in which the applicants’ letter was received. The letter itself was met with deafening silence.

Judge bStuart Wilson

What followed was what the court described as “a total failure of corporate responsibility”.

Nedbank completely ignored the letter, rushed to court and quietly obtained a default judgment against the family in October 2021, a year after they had pleaded for understanding.

During court proceedings, Wilson scrutinised the bank’s premature rush to take legal action. He granted Nedbank a two-month postponement to search its own records for any kind of interaction with the Modibedis. Despite the generous time given, Nedbank was unable to produce a single shred of evidence that anyone had ever responded to, or even read, the family’s plea for debt restructuring.

Nedbank said they had not been willing to enter into debt restructuring because both mother and daughter were unemployed. However, the Modibedis claimed that they had a tenant staying with them at their home, and were therefore able to pay something.

However, it could not be shown that the bank had entered into any discussions with the Modibedis in this regard. Instead, Nedbank attempted to hand the judge a generic call log detailing random telephone chats between the family and call centre agents, attempting to pass it off as “meaningful engagement”.

Wilson was unimpressed.

“The absolute best that can be said for Nedbank’s call log is that it records a series of automated or semi-automated telephonic interactions that took place in a parallel universe to the one in which the applicants’ letter was received. The letter itself was met with deafening silence,” he said as he rejected the efforts.

The judge found that the National Credit Act strictly bars credit providers from approaching a court if the consumer has responded to a section 129 notice and is attempting to resolve the debt. By moving forward anyway, Nedbank acted illegally.

“Because Nedbank had not responded to the applicants’ letter, it was not entitled to approach a court to enforce the agreement,” Wilson stated. “It follows that the default judgment was erroneously sought and erroneously granted.”

Wilson concluded his hard-hitting judgment by ordering that the 2021 order be entirely set aside and slapped Nedbank with the full legal bill, directing the bank to pay all the Modibedis’ legal costs.

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When about 3-million Barn Swallows come home to roost in KwaZulu-Natal from this month they can do so more safely now thanks to a pioneering bird radar programme.

Home is Mount Moreland near King Shaka International Airport (KSIA), the construction of which was met with concern from ornithologists and birders over the future of the feathered species which migrates from Eastern Europe to settle in the reed bed area at the Lake Victoria Conservancy from October to June.

In approving the R7.2bn airport and trade zone in 2006, the department of environmental affairs and tourism then set as one of the more than 80 conditions that “flight schedules must be planned around the flight times of the swallows” because of the risk of bird strikes.

At dawn and dusk the little birds form massive airborne flocks and pose potential danger as their flight paths intersect with aircraft operations around the airport.

Now a pioneering project between King Shaka International Airport and the University of KwaZulu-Natal will help scientists understand migratory movement of several bird species and over a larger flight path.

To address the bird strikes, KSIA has upgraded to a Robin Radar Systems MAX bird detection radar, a full 3D avian radar system capable of monitoring bird movements in real time.

The radar can track more than 3,000 birds simultaneously within a 15km radius, providing detailed information on flight paths, altitude, speed and flock behaviour.

Bird strikes are increasingly becoming a challenge to operational continuity. Recent data from the US Federal Aviation Administration recorded more than 22,000 wildlife strike incidents in 2024, a year-on-year increase that outpaced growth in aircraft movements.

Nkosinathi Myataza, Airports Company South Africa regional general manager

Nkosinathi Myataza, Airports Company South Africa regional general manager, said: “Bird strikes are increasingly becoming a challenge to operational continuity. Recent data from the US Federal Aviation Administration recorded more than 22,000 wildlife strike incidents in 2024, a year-on-year increase that outpaced growth in aircraft movements.”

He said birds accounted for the overwhelming majority of these events.

“While most do not result in catastrophic outcomes, their operational consequences extend far beyond the safety incident itself.”

He said a single strike can trigger unscheduled maintenance, aircraft inspections, flight delays, diversions, and, in some cases, aircraft-on-ground events.

“These disruptions are often short in duration but high in cumulative cost, affecting airline reliability, network efficiency and passenger experience across tightly interconnected aviation systems.”

He said the technology provides wildlife management teams “unprecedented visibility of bird activity around the airport, enabling proactive decision-making that strengthens aviation safety while protecting local biodiversity”.

The new technology replaces the DeTect Merlin Bird Detection Radar system installed at KSIA about 15 years ago to monitor the Barn Swallows.

For UKZN researchers the technology offers far more than an aviation safety solution.

The university’s Discipline of Biological Sciences is an integral part of the programme through a dedicated research partnership aimed at advancing scientific understanding of bird movements around the airport, migration arrival and departure patterns and habitat use in the vicinity.

The research team is led by Prof Colleen Downs, National Research Foundation South African Research Chairs Initiative (SARChI) chair in ecosystem and biodiversity in KZN and the Eastern Cape.

Working alongside Downs are Dr Cameron Cormac, a Postdoctoral Fellow, and MSc candidate Matthew Wilkinson, who are actively contributing to the project by gathering field data, identifying bird species and correlating field observations with radar detections.

The team is also responsible for populating the radar system’s species database, enabling researchers and airport officials to better understand which bird species are being detected and how they move through the surrounding environment.

Cormac said the previous system only tracked Barn Swallows while this new technology has a much wider range and is able to track a wider variety of birds.

“The information will help us better understand changing migratory patterns for example we are seeing a trend of the Barn Swallows leaving slightly earlier.”

He said this is a pioneering study and would help understand the impact of linear infrastructure on birds and their flight patterns.

Traditional bird monitoring methods have relied heavily on human observations and occasional Global Positioning System (GPS) tracking studies. While these approaches provide valuable insights, they are often limited by daylight hours, weather conditions and the relatively small number of birds that can be monitored at any one time.

“The new radar technology offers a transformative opportunity for ecological research by continuously monitoring birds active in the vicinity of the airport simultaneously, day and night, throughout the year,” said Downs.

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eThekwini ratepayers have lost two unrelated legal battles — one a challenge to the development of the Beachwood Golf Course and another seeking to compel the city to sort out the taxi parking mess in Umhlanga.

Both judgments were handed down this week in the Durban high court.

In the Beachwood matter, judge Peter Olsen ruled against an organisation “Friends of Beachwood” and a neighbouring property owner, James Te Riele, in their bid to review and set aside decisions taken by the province and the city to allow for a residential development on part of the property.

The 42ha property, bounded by Virginia Airport, the ecologically sensitive Mangrove Nature Reserve and the sea, has been used as a golf course since the 1930s.

Beachwood Investments bought it in 2017 for R108m but its development potential was restricted, essentially because it was zoned as a private open space with special conditions attached.

Ultimately, environmental approval was given by the province and planning approval by the city.

On the issue of the provincial environmental approvals, Olsen said the aggrieved ratepayers had launched their legal action out of time, had not given any reasonable explanation for this, thus those complaints could not be dealt with by the court.

On the municipal decisions, Olsen said the developer had submitted a “combined land development application” in October 2022.

This led to the city introducing a new zone called “Special Zone: Beachwood Coastal Estate”.

The municipal planning tribunal then approved 38 sub-divisions, creating a coastal estate.

Olsen said the applicants’ case had been presented as a “series of assertions or conclusions which would ordinarily be expected to have been drawn from facts placed before the court on affidavit”.

Turning to the historic restrictive conditions on the site, he said they were extensive, effectively meaning that it could not be used for anything but a golf course or other recreational activities.

The applicants had contended that it was an “open space” asset which has immeasurable community value.

But the judge said that issue had been taken into consideration by the province when it confined development, at least for the time being, to the northern portion of the property, leaving 77% of it as open space.

Regarding the applicants’ contention that the municipality had not taken into account the impact on sewerage, stormwater and road infrastructure, he said they had not made any references to those assessment reports and had “simply failed to make out a case”.

He dismissed the application, making no order as to costs.

In the Umhlanga taxi dispute, acting judge Mvuzo Notyesi dismissed an application by the Body Corporate of Beacon Rock to force the municipality to relocate what was intended to be a temporary public transport facility, to a permanent one.

The historical taxi/bus rank in the once small seaside village was displaced by the development of the Oceans Umhlanga complex.

While initial plans were that the developers were to build a new underground facility within their own precinct and at their own cost, this did not happen. Instead the city set up a temporary rank in Ridge Road, near Beacon Rock.

The residents complained that it had caused increasing congestion, was blocking access and the municipality must provide a permanent solution within three months.

The municipality, in opposing the application, said since March 2021 it had engaged with the Oceans developers, the taxi industry and neighbouring property owners to identify a suitable permanent facility but none could be found because of “competing interests”.

It accepted that the permanent facility ultimately selected would differ from the underground facility contemplated in the approval for the Oceans development and that an amendment to the relevant condition would, eventually, be required.

That could only be done when there was agreement on a suitable alternative site.

The judge found that the body corporate had no legal standing to bring the application because it was a corporate entity which did not, itself, own any property in Umhlanga.

Further, he said, Oceans should have been joined as a party to the litigation.

On the merits, he said it was not open to the court to “simply relocate” the temporary transport facility, given that the decision to establish it was still valid, and that decision had not been challenged.

He said the municipality had to weigh and balance the interest of the business owners, property owners, the taxis, commuters and all relevant stakeholders.

There was evidence that it had, and was involved in ongoing consultations.

He dismissed the application, ordering that each party must pay its own costs.

The first national GBV survey found that one in three women aged 18 or older had experienced physical violence in their lifetime. In the final three months of 2024 alone, more than 11,800 rapes were recorded — about 128 a day — according to the GBVF Response Fund’s 2024/25 annual report.

These figures are horrifying, but statistics must not replace action. South Africa now sits at 13 women’s bodies found in Gauteng, 19 in KwaZulu-Natal, and several others nationally.

The crisis persists because warnings are ignored, institutions fail to coordinate, and accountability dissolves after each statement of outrage.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s September 29 address must be judged against this record of ignored warnings and dissolved accountability. The address exposed the exhausted ritual through which government now performs concern without accepting culpability.

After seven years of acknowledged failure, another review of stalled cases, another deadline on forensic backlogs and another round of municipal safety audits cannot be presented as leadership. These are basic duties the state should already have discharged.

The address named no office-bearer responsible for past failure, offered no credible enforcement mechanism, and did not explain what consequences would follow when the new directives were ignored. By leaving institutional responsibility undefined, it shifted attention from the state’s obligations to the moral conduct of individual citizens.

That displacement was most evident in the appeal to “good men”, which shifted the centre of gravity from state accountability to private morality, as though femicide persists because decent citizens have not spoken loudly enough rather than because institutions repeatedly abandon women.

The appeal thus became compassion as political theatre: solemn words masking a government still reluctant to attach names, budgets, deadlines and sanctions to its promises. Leadership begins where sympathy ends — with responsibility that can be measured and failure that carries consequences.

The cost of that displacement is clearest in the warnings that precede femicide. Coercion, threats and abuse often escalate before violence becomes fatal, and victims may alert relatives, friends or the police. These are opportunities for public institutions to intervene. When they do not trigger protection, investigation and consequences, it is a failure to turn knowledge into coordinated state action.

Closing that gap between warning and intervention makes effective policing indispensable, but policing cannot rest on slogans or periodic operations.

The institutions that protect such masks are further weakened by a political economy that leaves many young people outside work, property, productive networks and meaningful recognition. Exclusion does not mechanically produce GBV, but it creates fertile ground for wounded masculinity and the desire to recover power through domination.

A victim-centred police service must respond promptly, recognise escalating abuse, protect survivors and investigate thoroughly. Prosecutors, courts, health services and communities must form an unbroken chain of responsibility in which no warning, docket or protection request disappears.

Constitutional policing and decisive policing are not opposites: due process protects legitimacy, while institutional passivity protects perpetrators.

But even an unbroken criminal justice chain addresses violence only after social permission for it has taken root. Policing alone cannot repair a society in which violence against women is concealed, excused or normalised.

When public authority evades responsibility, private domination gains social permission. GBV is therefore more than criminality: it is an intimate expression of civic disintegration, the collapse of restraint, reciprocity and respect for the equal personhood of others.

That civic breakdown does not stop at the household door. Political assassinations, intimidation and the maiming of civilians reveal in public life the same disorder that coercion, assault and femicide reveal in private life. Both flourish when power is detached from service and accountability. An elite that treats office as an enterprise of accumulation teaches society that authority is an entitlement to possess, command and punish. Domination then travels easily from the state and the party into the household.

Yet domination survives not only through open force; it also survives through disguise. Perpetrators rarely present themselves truthfully. Many wear masks of compassion, speaking the language of love, protection, provision, religious virtue or political service to secure trust and silence. In public they appear attentive and generous; in private care becomes surveillance, protection becomes possession and generosity becomes indebtedness.

Families, congregations, parties and workplaces then defend reputation over testimony. Leadership fails when it protects the mask rather than the person harmed behind it.

The institutions that protect such masks are further weakened by a political economy that leaves many young people outside work, property, productive networks and meaningful recognition. Exclusion does not mechanically produce GBV, but it creates fertile ground for wounded masculinity and the desire to recover power through domination. Where youth organisations are hollowed out, schools fail to lead to livelihoods, and party branches become factional machines, anger becomes politically homeless. It can become democratic and transformative — or criminal, xenophobic, militarised and patriarchal.

That is why the argument must move from anger in the abstract to the local institutions that can give it democratic form. Municipalities shape public lighting, transport nodes, shelters, clinics, community safety forums and the public spaces in which women must move without fear. They are also closest to contracts, housing lists, jobs and ward influence. When a council seat or tender becomes the nearest available economy, violent political competition and women’s everyday insecurity draw sustenance from the same institutional decay.

The coming local elections must therefore test whether parties and coalitions can govern, whether protest can become accountability and whether candidates have credible plans to make communities safer for women.

These elections will ultimately test whether democratic institutions can give legitimate anger an ethical and constructive architecture. A republic serious about GBV must do more than pacify youth or urge constitutional patience. It must organise people into work, service, learning, local reconstruction and democratic authorship, while directly challenging the patriarchal norms that turn frustration into violence against women.

More than an awareness campaign, prevention is the daily work of rebuilding institutions, opportunity and ethical citizenship. That work, however, will remain rhetoric unless authority is tied to clear responsibility.

This is the leadership for which the GBV crisis is searching: authority made answerable through named duties and enforceable consequences. A station commander must answer for a neglected complaint, an investigator for a mishandled docket, a prosecutor for avoidable delay, a minister for inadequate capacity and a mayor for unsafe public spaces and broken referral systems.

Parties, workplaces, congregations and communities must likewise refuse to shelter perpetrators behind status or staged compassion. South Africa does not lack declarations against GBV; it lacks leaders willing to make responsibility visible and failure consequential. Until that changes, masked perpetrators will keep occupying the space where moral authority should stand.

Carlson first mainstreamed the false claim in 2018, when he suggested to Ernst Roets, then a leader of AfriForum, that there was “a disorganised but in some sense intentional campaign to crush a racial minority within your country, and the government seems onboard with it”, a fiction that Roets did not attempt to correct.

Many others, though, have subsequently rejected and refuted the false claim of genocide, not least Roets’ former colleague, Kallie Kriel. The refutations continue to this day: last weekend, AgriSA CEO Johann Kotzé, himself a white Afrikaner who works closely with farmers, many of whom are white, wrote an op-ed for News24, stating that “South Africa does not have a genocide of white communities”.

Instead, wrote Kotzé, echoing the overwhelming evidence of many years of data, South Africa has a violent crime problem. Nobody is denying that farm attacks happen, or that they can be shockingly brutal. But there is simply no evidence to support Carlson’s claim that there is an orchestrated campaign of ethnic cleansing being carried out against whites in this country.

None of this, however, seems to have changed Carlson’s mind, or at least the minds of the people paying him to double down on his claims; and on Thursday he released a new video, almost two hours long, in which he interviewed a traumatised Afrikaner farmer who experienced extreme violence during an attack in 2010.

The interview was marketed on X with a bloody hook: “They’ve told us that ethnic cleansing against whites in South Africa isn’t happening. They say it’s a racist conspiracy theory. Leon Lotz knows they’re lying. He’s a South African farmer. His story will shock and sicken you.”

The dishonesty was familiar, as Carlson once again used a real violent crime to sell a fictional genocide, but what felt new was the clarity and brazenness of his claim. Without hedging or using euphemism, Carlson told that world that when people like Kriel and Kotzé tell us that there is no ethnic cleansing of whites in South Africa, they are lying.

We can debate why Carlson is sticking to his lie. Until recently, many believed that the “white genocide” myth was being punted by MAGA as a way to rally Donald Trump’s white supremacist base while simultaneously punishing South Africa for accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza. Recently, however, Carlson has turned on both Trump and Israel, making this latest move a strange one.

What is clear, though, is that a dangerous lie is being told in the name of white South Africans, which means it’s time for them to push back.

Pointing out that Tucker Carlson is lying or that Ernst Roets is presenting a cynically skewed picture of South African crime to his American donors is not a denial that farmers have been attacked. Denouncing the lie of white genocide doesn’t mean that you are supporting the ANC.

It’s not just a matter of personal dignity. We don’t yet know why people like Carlson are pushing this lie, but they clearly have plans for us, almost certainly designed to make us angrier, more partisan, less unified and therefore weaker and easier to manipulate. Lord knows, we’ve already experienced one Bell Pottinger.

Whether this is about Afrikaner secession and the possible breakup of the republic, or something far darker — we’ve all read the conspiracy theory that the US is after our rare earth minerals — the fact remains that no country in history has got stronger by splitting into small, ethnic homelands. And speaking of history: whatever you believe about the rare earth story, it is also true that both Hitler and Putin used the justification of rescuing an allegedly persecuted ethnic minority to invade and occupy sovereign states.

Second, tolerating the lie that white people have it worse in South Africa than their black compatriots, and are therefore worthy of “refugee” status in the US, is an insult both to those who fought to overthrow apartheid and to those millions of black people who still live in poverty and in the constant presence of violence because of the legacy of that racist history.

Whites are safer and richer than any other group in this country, and trying to cast them as victims of the democratic dispensation is a clear attempt to discredit and undermine the freedoms we achieved only a generation ago.

Of course, those whites who do push back against this can expect some noisy responses: whenever I write on this topic my DMs quickly fill up with rebuttals from white people telling me that I should try to spend a night on their smallholding without a weapon; that I wouldn’t be so dismissive of Roets if I’d ever witnessed my loved ones tortured; that I am clearly a shill for the ANC. Besides, they point out, I live in the Cape Town bubble, so what could I possibly know about the war zone that is the rest of South Africa?

I know that people are angry. I know that angry people are particularly vulnerable to manipulation by disinformation pumped out by foreign players. But, with all due respect, these responses are missing the point entirely and perhaps deliberately.

Pointing out that Tucker Carlson is lying or that Ernst Roets is presenting a cynically skewed picture of South African crime to his American donors is not a denial that farmers have been attacked. Denouncing the lie of white genocide doesn’t mean that you are supporting the ANC.

As for Cape Town, well, the statistics are clear: there are parts of my city that are vastly more dangerous than any farming district in the rest of the country. And the people who are suffering in those neighbourhoods or townships are not white.

Carlson is clearly not going to stop. A machine has targeted our country for reasons we don’t yet fully understand, and that machine is now running.

But white South Africans still live in a constitutional democracy with freedom of speech. We can still tell the truth and call out lies. We can declare, with hands on heart, that we love this country and hate how it’s being run. We can state, truthfully, that crime is out of control, and that the ANC is too wretched and corrupt to do anything meaningful about it. We can confirm that farmers feed this country and are vital to all our futures.

And now we must also state, as loudly and with as much conviction as we state the others, that there is no violent state oppression of white people in this country.

There is no ethnic cleaning.

There is no genocide.

And anyone who says there is is lying for money.

1988 — David Frost captures the first of his 10 PGA Tour wins, draining two birdie putts on his last two holes to clinch the Southern Open in Columbus, Georgia. First he sank a 1.8m putt on the final hole of regulation play to draw level with American Bob Tway on 10-under-par 280, then he knocked in a 1.5m putt on the first hole of the sudden death. He was also the first South African to win in the US since Gary Player in 1978.

2012 — Faf du Plessis hits 65 off 38 balls to give the Proteas a chance of chasing down the 153 target set by India in their World T20 match in Colombo. But South Africa’s last five wickets fall for 24 runs as they lose the match by one run. Both teams were eliminated from the tournament.

2015 — JP Duminy clubs an unbeaten 68 from 34 balls and AB de Villiers 51 off 32 as the Proteas chase down 200 to beat India by seven wickets in the first T20 in Dharamsala.

2016 — Faf du Plessis scores 111 off 93 balls as the Proteas beat world champions Australia by 142 runs at the Wanderers in the second ODI for a 2-0 lead in the five-match series. The home side scored 361/6 in their 50 overs, with JP Duminy making 82 and Rilee Rossouw 75. The Aussies were bowled out for 219, with Wayne Parnell taking three wickets and Kagiso Rabada and Andile Phehlukwayo two each.

2017 — Keshav Maharaj takes 4/25 as South Africa bowl out Bangladesh for 90 to win the first test in Potchefstroom by 333 runs.

2021 — Damian de Allende and Makazole Mapimpi score tries as the Springboks edge the All Blacks 31-29 in their final Rugby Championship match in the Gold Coast

2022 — Andy Birkett wins a sprint finish to claim his second world marathon K1 crown at Ponte de Lima in Portugal. He edged home favourite Jose Ramalho by 1.1sec with defending champion Mads Pedersen of Denmark third just 0.32sec further back.

2022 — David Miller scores an unbeaten 106 from 47 deliveries but the Proteas, needing 238, lose the second T20 against India in Guwahati by 16 runs to go down 0-2 in the three-match series. Quinton de Kock made 60 off 48 balls.

2024 — Ryan Rickelton scores 91 to help the Proteas amass 271/9 on their way to beating Ireland by 139 runs in the first ODI in Abu Dhabi.

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Safair has launched a R21m damages claim against SAA Technical over a bizarre aircraft collision at OR Tambo International Airport that left one of its Boeing 737-800s grounded and the airline facing millions of rand in lost profits.

The dispute stems from an incident on November 11 2022 involving an Airbus A320 which allegedly broke free from the tug vehicle while it was being towed by SAA Technical employees, and veered from its towing path, colliding with the Safair aircraft which was parked in its bay.

The summons, lodged in the Johannesburg high court on September 2, identifies Y Rocker as the employee operating the tug and L Gumede as the employee in the cockpit of the Airbus, where he was “riding brakes”.

According to Safair’s version, Rocker managed to move the tug out of the path of the Airbus after the shear pin broke and attempted to get Gumede’s attention.

“Gumede failed to notice or respond to Rocker’s attempts and only became aware that something was wrong after the A320 collided with the 737-800.”

The impact caused physical damage to the Boeing and it had to be taken out of commercial service while repairs were carried out.

The airline’s case is that the incident was not simply an unavoidable mechanical mishap, but that Gumede failed to take a series of precautions that a reasonable person in his position would have taken.

Safair alleges that he failed to maintain a proper lookout for nearby aircraft, failed to remain alert to the progress of the tow and the possibility that the tug could lose control of the Airbus, and failed to maintain communication with the employee operating the tug.

“Gumede failed to notice, or respond to, Rocker’s attempts to attract his attention after the shear pin sheared off, keep proper control of the A320; and/or apply the A320’s brakes, either timeously or at all.”

Safair alleges that the Boeing’s absence from its fleet during the repair period disrupted flights that had already been scheduled for December 2022.

It says the aircraft would have been used on domestic flights between December 1 and December 22, but its unavailability forced the airline to cancel planned flights and the corresponding reserved or intended airport slots.

The airline has calculated the resulting loss of profit at R21.1m.

Its claim breaks down the alleged lost opportunity into 132 flight sectors over the December period, based on an assumption that the Boeing would have flown six sectors a day.

Gumede, as an employee of SAA Technical, owed a duty of care to Safair to avoid causing physical damage to nearby stationary Safair aircraft while towing SAA aircraft during the course and scope of his employment.

Safair

The aircraft had a capacity of 189 passengers per sector, giving Safair a potential 24,948 seats across the 132 sectors.

Safair says it would have sold an estimated 24,070 of those seats based on its actual average load factors for the period.

The airline is holding SAA Technical responsible for the alleged negligence of its employees.

“Gumede, as an employee of SAA Technical, owed a duty of care to Safair to avoid causing physical damage to nearby stationary Safair aircraft while towing SAA aircraft during the course and scope of his employment.”

It said Gumede foresaw, or ought reasonably to have foreseen, that his conduct or alternatively omissions would cause the collision, physical damage to the 737-800 and Safair’s consequential loss of profit.

The airline is asking the high court to order SAA Technical to pay the R21m damages claim, together with interest and legal costs.

But despite taking the matter to court, Safair has indicated that it remains open to resolving the dispute without a trial.

In its Rule 41A notice, filed alongside the summons, Safair said it believed the matter could be settled through mediation. This follows earlier settlement discussions between the parties, which failed to produce an agreement.

SAA Technical had not pleaded to Safair’s action when the mediation notice was filed, meaning the issues in dispute had not yet been crystallised in its formal response.

SAA Technical will have an opportunity to respond to the allegations in its plea.