South Africa’s economic policy debate is not merely technical, it is a moral reckoning. The DA’s proposed “economic inclusion for all” bill seeks to replace B-BBEE with a race-neutral framework. While framed as inclusive, this shift risks undermining the transformative goals of democracy. From a historical and justice-oriented perspective, B-BBEE must be strengthened, not replaced.
South Africa’s inequality is not incidental. It is the result of deliberate, systemic racial exclusion. Despite political freedom, wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a minority shaped by apartheid-era privilege. This legacy demands race-conscious redress and a race-neutral approach risks flattening centuries of injustice into a generic poverty narrative.
B-BBEE is one of the few policy instruments explicitly designed to address racial economic exclusion. Its objectives, ownership redistribution, skills development and enterprise support target structural barriers faced by historically disadvantaged groups.
Poverty in South Africa is racialised. Ignoring race is ignoring the root cause.
Global precedent supports race-conscious policy. Affirmative action in the US, Brazil’s racial quotas and Malaysia’s Bumiputera policy reflect the need for targeted redress. French economist Thomas Piketty warned that “race-neutral” approaches ignore the roots of inequality and argued that progressive taxation and ownership reform are essential to dismantling the legacy of apartheid and colonialism.
Indian philosopher and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen offers further insight. His “capability approach” insists that justice requires more than income, it demands expanding real freedoms. Sen critiques GDP-focused models and supports policies that address structural barriers to opportunity. B-BBEE, though imperfect, aligns with this vision by targeting ownership and skills development rather than mere economic growth.
American scholar Cornel West says race-neutral policies often perpetuate structural racism under the guise of fairness. In his book Race Matters, West calls for a “politics of conversion” rooted in love, justice and historical accountability, echoing the moral imperative behind B-BBEE. Replacing it with a race-neutral bill may appear inclusive but risks perpetuating the very injustices it seeks to undo.
Francesca Albanese, legal scholar and UN rapporteur, critiques what she calls “racial capitalism”, systems that profit from historical oppression. Her framing of injustice as a product of colonial and racial domination reinforces the argument that ignoring race perpetuates harm.
B-BBEE has faced legitimate criticism. Elite capture has disproportionately benefited politically connected black elites. Compliance often trumps impact, with companies treating B-BBEE as a box-ticking exercise. Rural communities, informal workers and small businesses remain excluded. These flaws demand reform, deeper rollout, transparency and community-based implementation, not abandonment.
The DA proposes removing black ownership requirements and rewarding companies for job creation, poverty reduction and sustainability. While these goals may broaden participation, they risk diluting historical redress by treating apartheid’s legacy as a generic poverty issue. Without race-conscious tools, structural racism may persist under the guise of neutrality. As Elias Monage of the Black Business Council warned, replacing B-BBEE “undermines transformation and inclusive growth”.
Economic experts and transformation advocates largely agree: B-BBEE must be restructured to benefit the majority. Implementation must be localised, transparent and inclusive. Poverty-based tools can complement B-BBEE, but not replace it. The policy must evolve, but its race-conscious foundation remains essential.
The DA must abandon its unremorseful posture and adopt B-BBEE as a cornerstone of national healing and transformation.
- Grant Son, Cape Town
Cachalia out of place
Having watched Firoz Cachalia’s appearance before the ad hoc committee investigating corruption, one cannot escape the sense that he is misplaced in the role of police minister. He seemed adrift — captive to the soft language of academic balance rather than the decisive command the post demands.
As Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi once said of Shadrack Sibiya, there can be no peace between a cop and a criminal. Cachalia seems to believe there is virtue in balancing truth with falsehood, as if ethics were an abstract seminar topic. In policing, a lie is not weighed or rationalised — it is crushed and denounced. The street has no patience for the philosophical middle ground that academics love to debate.
This man belongs in a lecture hall, not in the trenches of law enforcement. We need a minister who commands fear in criminals and confidence in the police — not one who confuses moral relativism with leadership.
- Chris Kanyane, Pretoria
Palestine needs pragmatism
In her article “Gaza ‘ceasefire’ is all about the money”, Mia Swart paints a picture of cynicism and exploitation, suggesting that the ceasefire and ensuing reconstruction efforts in Gaza are driven by financial interests rather than humanitarian concern or political necessity. While her critique reflects the frustrations of many who see Palestine’s struggle as endlessly manipulated by external powers, it overlooks the complex and pragmatic realities that shape modern conflict resolution.
The truth is that the ceasefire, however imperfect, represents not a betrayal of Palestinian self-determination but a strategic compromise designed to prevent further devastation and create conditions for eventual stability.
Economic reconstruction is not exploitation, as Swart suggests, but a practical necessity. Every reconstruction effort, from post-war Europe to modern-day Iraq, has involved international investors, contractors and private-sector participation.
The involvement of actors like Donald Trump and Jared Kushner is indeed politically charged, but to dismiss the entire reconstruction initiative as a “money grab” is to ignore the immediate humanitarian and infrastructural needs of Gazans.
Roads, hospitals and schools cannot be built on rhetoric, they require funding, logistical expertise and cross-border co-ordination. Moreover, private investment can stimulate local employment, generate tax revenue and reduce Gaza’s long-standing dependency on foreign aid. Economic revitalisation is a crucial precondition for political empowerment. A functioning economy gives Palestinians leverage and autonomy in ways that isolation and endless war cannot.
Similarly, the creation of the international stabilisation force (ISF) for Gaza must be understood in its security context, not as an instrument of occupation. The ISF, composed of troops from many countries, was not created to entrench occupation but to fill a temporary governance and security vacuum. Without it, any ceasefire would collapse.
The discussion around Palestinian exclusion from the ceasefire’s drafting must also be seen in light of the internal divisions that continue to weaken Palestinian political representation. Swart’s argument rests heavily on the idea that Palestinians’ exclusion delegitimises the process, but it must be acknowledged that Palestinian politics remain deeply fractured between Hamas in Gaza and the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank. No durable peace plan can be fully representative until Palestinian factions reconcile or establish a unified negotiating front. In this context, involving external mediators and structured international mechanisms is not suppression but a temporary measure to manage division.
The plan’s critics often conflate participation with surrender. Yet it is possible to engage in reconstruction projects while still demanding justice, sovereignty and recognition.
Swart rightly identifies the moral anguish of Palestinians who feel their liberation remains “trapped beneath the rubble”. But moral outrage cannot rebuild homes, reopen schools, or restore electricity. Political morality must coexist with administrative realism. Condemning reconstruction because it involves powerful or wealthy actors risks privileging purity over progress. The alternative to imperfect peace is not perfect justice, it is renewed war, suffering and despair.
True progress depends on acknowledging the damage that has been inflicted on all parties and then using reconstruction to foster accountability, transparency and long-term peace.
- Thando Nzimande, neuroscientist and biomedical scientist
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