The recent crowning of a Nigerian “king” in the Eastern Cape — regardless of whether it is dismissed as “symbolic” or “purely cultural” — is far from a superficial event. Rather, it represents a calculated manoeuvre that reflects a deep understanding of South Africa’s internal dynamics.
South Africa is a country of nine provinces, each with its own historical texture, psychological climate and relationship with authority.
In KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo and Mpumalanga, traditional leadership is not ornamental — it is alive, entrenched and institutionally respected. Kings and chiefs are not symbolic relics; they are embedded in the social and governance fabric of everyday life. Authority here has lineage, continuity, and protection. It is not easily imitated, and certainly not easily displaced.
In the Free State, Northern Cape and North West, the picture shifts. These provinces lean towards a more republican character. Traditional leadership exists, but it does not command the centre of social life. It operates in the background, not at the core. In such environments, the implantation of an external traditional authority would struggle to take root— not necessarily because of outright resistance, but because the cultural soil itself is not receptive.
Gauteng and the Western Cape occupy a different plane altogether. They are metropolitan power zones, cosmopolitan, not rooted in traditional leadership, nor even in republican identity in the classical sense — they are shaped by markets and the fluidity of global capital.
This is not about crowns and ceremonies. It is about reading the terrain — and moving accordingly
— Chris Kanyane, Pretoria
The Eastern Cape presents something far more complex — and far more vulnerable.
It carries a deep historical and emotional yearning for traditional leadership, yet in practice that leadership is fragmented and weakened. Traditional leadership is present, but mostly weak. It exists but not with the same institutional strength or coherence. Yet there is a longing for it.
That gap matters.
Because gaps invite occupation.
What we are witnessing is not cultural innocence. It is strategic positioning. A recognition — whether conscious or instinctive — that where authority is desired but not firmly established there is space to insert alternative structures, to anchor influence and to build symbolic legitimacy.
This is not about crowns and ceremonies. It is about reading the terrain — and moving accordingly.
And that is precisely why that “crowning”, whether symbolic or mere cultural expression, should not be dismissed as harmless spectacle but recognised as a sophisticated “soft power” manoeuvre.
- Chris Kanyane, Pretoria
Phala Phala and Animal Farm
The politicians, the police and other players involved in the Phala Phala saga, with its use of state resources to protect a president and the “invasion” of a sovereign state, all fall within the scope of the Madlanga commission. Will the commissioners behave like parliament’s ad hoc committee and make the same Animal Farm finding — that the president is more equal than others?
- David Maepa, e-mail
How will history judge Iran war?
History often remembers moments when the balance of power shifts — when expectations are challenged and narratives are rewritten. In this case, the idea being portrayed is that Iran stood its ground against two powerful, nuclear-armed nations and refused to back down.
For supporters of this view, it symbolises resilience, defiance and the ability of a single nation to confront overwhelming pressure without surrendering. In recent years, tensions between Iran, the US and Israel have repeatedly brought the region to the brink, with military actions, sanctions and nuclear concerns shaping the global conversation.
These events have fuelled competing narratives — some highlighting strength and resistance, others warning of escalation and instability. Ultimately, how history records such moments depends on perspective.
- Wandile Mtana, Uitenhage
BEE needs more carrot, less stick
Panyaza Lesufi (Sunday Times, April 5) argues that critics of affirmative action/ BEE are being disingenuous when they ask for its repeal. I am being sincere when I say we need BEE to provide redress for the evils of apartheid. Apart from any argument, the constitution requires that laws be enacted to address past racial discrimination.
However, I would like to argue that enforced adherence to BEE is counterproductive. The present — effectively mandatory — codes and regulations create the impression that only the stick will achieve compliance. This ignores the goodwill and desire for inclusivity that is widespread among all in our society, including business. There is no telling how far empowerment may have advanced had there been more carrot and less stick.
I submit that we would better achieve black economic inclusivity were the current punitive measures replaced by tax credits for achieving good BEE points on the scorecard. Conversely, recalcitrants would pay considerably more tax. I believe a large part of the business world desires black economic empowerment and inclusivity. Let’s recognise this goodwill — and good business sense — and reward it by providing tax relief for the short-term additional training and development costs inherent in a successful journey toward broad inclusively.
- Willem Cronje, Cape Town
Paraffin is now a ‘phantom fuel’
I would like to comment on Makhudu Sefara’s opinion piece, “The paraffin people must light a fuse under the fat cats” (Sunday Times, April 5).
Paraffin consumption in South Africa presents a complex policy challenge. In the current context of elevated global energy prices — exacerbated by the US–Israel war on Iran — failing to cushion poor households understandably appears insensitive. However, the reality is that not all paraffin consumed in South Africa is used by the poor. Subsidising its price, without stronger controls, has unintentionally created significant profits for unscrupulous operators.
Behind the scenes of the country’s diesel market, illegal fuel blending has become a booming underground business. The widespread adulteration of diesel with untaxed illuminating paraffin has reached crisis levels, draining state revenue, distorting fuel prices and undermining trust throughout the fuel supply chain.
The scheme is simple and highly profitable. Paraffin, intended primarily for cooking and heating in low‑income households, carries no fuel levy. Diesel, by contrast, is heavily taxed. Criminal operators exploit this gap by blending paraffin into diesel and selling it as legitimate fuel, pocketing the tax difference.
The numbers do not align with lived reality. Statistics South Africa data indicate that households are, in fact, using less paraffin for cooking, lighting and heating — not more
— Avhapfani Tshifuḽaro
The cost to the public purse is staggering. The Fuels Industry Association of South Africa estimates that R4.2bn in fuel taxes was lost in 2023 alone, with cumulative losses of approximately R13bn since 2021.
For many years, paraffin consumption remained relatively stable. Then, after 2019, reported volumes surged dramatically. Official figures show that paraffin sales doubled between 2019 and 2024 — from around 600-million litres per year to nearly 1.2-billion litres.
At face value, this could suggest growing household hardship or increased reliance on cheaper fuels. Yet the numbers do not align with lived reality. Statistics South Africa data indicate that households are, in fact, using less paraffin for cooking, lighting and heating — not more.
The Fuels Industry Association of South Africa estimates that legitimate household and industrial demand remains at roughly 600-million litres annually, leaving nearly 700-million litres with no lawful destination. That “phantom fuel” is finding its way into diesel tanks.
With billions in revenue leaking annually, the consequences extend far beyond the fuel pump. Lost tax income means less funding for roads, transport infrastructure, policing and social services — while honest businesses are pushed to the brink.
- Avhapfani Tshifuḽaro, CEO of Fuels Industry Association of South Africa
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