This week, SAPS national commissioner Fannie Masemola was suspended, becoming the fourth head of police to be removed from office or suspended, thereby joining the inglorious ranks of Jackie Selebi (bribed by convicted drug dealer Glenn Agliotti); Riah Phiyega (presided over the Marikana massacre policing debacle); and Bheki Cele (linked to the controversial R500m lease scandal).
In addition, former acting commissioners Khehla Sitole (whose contract was terminated by “mutual agreement”) and Khomotso Phahlane (dismissed amid the R84m “blue lights” scandal) were also shown the door.
Masemola, who has been placed on precautionary suspension by President Cyril Ramaphosa, will now appear alongside alleged crime boss Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala and 15 other accused in relation to an illegal R360m health services tender awarded to Matlala’s Medicare24. Masemola has maintained his innocence in relation to allegations of contravening the Public Finance Management Act in signing off the tender.
Still clinging to his position is suspended police minister Senzo Mchunu, who likewise proclaims his innocence and whose fate will be decided at the conclusion of the Madlanga commission, according to Ramaphosa.
Some may laud the president for having finally acted against Masemola, but sceptics will ask whether this is a clean-up or merely the sweeping of dirt under the carpet for someone else to deal with — or not. In all likelihood, Masemola is approaching retirement, so given the pace of the court system, he may end up sitting at home on a full salary for the foreseeable future.
While better-off South Africans have long since turned to private security to protect life and limb, the majority remain at the mercy of criminals — aided, in some cases, by a police service whose members are alleged to be in cahoots with criminal elements from top to bottom
His seat has now been taken by SAPS chief financial officer Lt-Gen Puleng Dimpane. She’s already appeared before parliament’s ad hoc committee, ostensibly established to cover much the same ground as the Madlanga commission. She covered her bases neatly, saying that as the department’s finance chief she recommended “deactivating” the political killings task team but also distanced herself from Mchunu’s decision to close it — a move central to the scandal rocking the police.
The churn in the police force has become something that South Africans have grown accustomed to, even if they have not reconciled themselves to soaring levels of violent crime, manifesting in high rates of murder, rape, kidnapping for ransom, theft and other offences carried out with near impunity on a daily basis. Ramaphosa acknowledged that having top cops in acting positions is far from ideal, but he’s left with limited options, while firing the bad apples and starting afresh doesn’t appear to be among them.
Granted, the sensational claims made by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi last year were always likely to trigger upheaval within the police. One notable victim has been suspended deputy national commissioner Shadrack Sibiya, implicated in allegations of obstructing investigations into politically connected killings in KwaZulu-Natal and of accepting bribes. He too maintains his innocence.
The one slim hope South Africans have is that the various inquiries taking place will lead to a meaningful clean-up of police ranks. What is clear, however, is that persistent political interference has brought the police service to its knees. While better-off South Africans have long since turned to private security to protect life and limb, the majority remain at the mercy of criminals — aided, in some cases, by a police service whose members are alleged to be in cahoots with criminal elements from top to bottom.
Thorough reform of the police, in a way that renders the service as institutionally immune as possible to political interference, is the only remedy for a malaise that is eroding the country, sapping hope and optimism as criminals make merry with bent officers.
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