Jacob Zuma owes SA an explanation — and he owes Zondo some respect

When the commission of inquiry into state capture began its work under deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo just over two years ago, it was the belief of South Africans that we would finally get to the bottom of the industrial-scale corruption that took root during former president Jacob Zuma's administration.

The use of non-legal tactics to influence judicial processes, bordering on intimidation, has long been a characteristic of Jacob Zuma's interactions with the courts. says the writer.
The use of non-legal tactics to influence judicial processes, bordering on intimidation, has long been a characteristic of Jacob Zuma's interactions with the courts. says the writer. (Esa Alexander)

When the commission of inquiry into state capture began its work under deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo just over two years ago, it was the belief of South Africans that we would finally get to the bottom of the industrial-scale corruption that took root during former president Jacob Zuma's administration.

Elements of serious wrongdoing in the state, hitherto the subject of conjecture and rumour, were first confirmed by then public protector Thuli Madonsela in her report delivered in 2016.

The commission was necessitated by the need to fully expose what happened during Zuma's tenure, when private interests sought to take over control of the South African state for their own ends, to the detriment of the country and its people.

South Africans hoped and expected that the outcomes of the commission's work would provide lessons on how to prevent the country going through the same experience in the future.

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It is worth restating here why the phenomenon of state capture represented such a perilous phase in our nation's history.

First, it diverted the state's limited financial resources away from improving the lives of South Africans, particularly the poor, to filling the pockets of the corrupt.

Second, in order to achieve their nefarious aims, the forces of state capture needed to weaken and incapacitate the state itself.

A wide variety of institutions were targeted for this purpose, such as the police service (including the Hawks and crime intelligence), the South African Revenue Service, Eskom and the SABC.

To this day, the country still suffers the consequences.

Equally diabolical was the attempt to subvert democracy and national sovereignty by exerting control over the elected government, including the highest political office in the land.

The role of [Jacob] Zuma in state capture is especially important, given that, as the country's first citizen, it was incumbent on him to not only serve the people of SA, but to protect the interests of the republic as well

This is why the emergence of evidence implicating Zuma and some of his associates was met with deep concern and outrage.

The role of Zuma in state capture is especially important, given that, as the country's first citizen, it was incumbent on him to not only serve the people of SA, but to protect the interests of the republic as well.

It is therefore correct that justice Zondo should demand that Zuma return to the commission's witness stand, to either refute or confirm evidence accusing him of being the chief enabler of state capture.

It is also understandable that Zondo should be irked by Zuma's apparent delaying tactics, which have ranged from that he is unwell to that he is preparing for his forthcoming trial.

Faced with diminishing time to conclude his work, Zondo was correct in taking a tough line with Zuma, setting clear timelines to force the former president to appear.

And clearly, if Zondo entered into the business of negotiating dates with witnesses, he might never complete his work on time, amounting to a wastage of public funds.

Given the importance of the commission's work, the behaviour of Zuma and his proxies should be condemned by all South Africans who support the rule of law.


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Following Zondo's ultimatum, Zuma's foundation launched a personal attack on the commission chair, accusing him of, among other things, being "obsessed" with Zuma and trying to "humiliate" him.

The use of non-legal tactics to influence judicial processes, bordering on intimidation, has long been a characteristic of Zuma's interactions with the courts.

The reality is that Zuma, with the advice of his lawyers, should be aware of the correct channels of legal relief and protection should he feel he is being treated unfairly by the commission, or any other judicial process for that matter.

The bottom line here is that our country was pushed to the brink of ruin under Zuma's stewardship.

On taking office, Zuma promised to serve with diligence and loyalty the interests of the country and its people.

He now owes the people of SA an explanation. The commission gives him an opportunity to present his case.


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