One upshot of these elections — apart from the fact that the ANC has had its wings clipped — is that the feeding trough for kowtowing leeches, sponges and entitled comrades could become a bit barren or, hopefully, a thing of the past.
The carnage has been severe. More than 70 ANC MPs, including cabinet ministers, find themselves without jobs. It will take some adjusting to, because many don't have skills or professions to fall back on. Politics has been their life.
But they're not the only casualties of this bloodbath. Think of the public servants, deployees in government and parastatals, and the tenderpreuners who’ve been living large. Suddenly the terrain is not that fertile any more, and the future is uncertain.
Others who will have to adjust their perspectives and priorities are members of the vaunted tripartite alliance — Cosatu, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the South African National Civics Organisation (Sanco) — who for too long have been riding on the back of a dominant ANC.
These unelected worthies have benefited enormously from their proximity to power. It’s a bit of an understatement to say they're close to power; they're at the centre of it — influencing decisions at the source to suit their interests. Besides being consulted on key legislation and even cabinet appointments, the benefits to their members have been substantial. They go to parliament as ANC MPs, are appointed to cabinet and sit on the ANC national executive committee — where decisions are initially taken.
These people aren't elected; they account to no one, and yet are involved in taking decisions that affect us all, while of course enjoying all the perks and privileges that power provides. It is a classic example of power without responsibility.
Cosatu, for instance, very early on convinced a still nascent, some would say naive, ANC government to enact some of the most restrictive labour laws imaginable, making it almost impossible for employers to discipline recalcitrant employees. No wonder the public service is the most unionised. Some of its affiliates, Nehawu and Sadtu, are not only the biggest unions in the country but have almost become a law unto themselves. Sadtu’s role in undermining proper education in this country, for instance, is well-documented.
But don't expect ANC MPs or even cabinet ministers to comment or complain about it. These unions jealously guard their privileges. When president Thabo Mbeki mildly suggested that maybe the country's labour laws could be relaxed to become business friendly, he was immediately shown the door and replaced with Jacob Zuma.
What the ANC gains from this incestuous relationship is hard to fathom. Maybe, to quote Lyndon Johnson, it’s better to have them inside the tent pissing out, than outside the tent pissing in. There's been very little evidence of the argument that Cosatu uses its organisational prowess to help the ANC. Cosatu itself is haemorrhaging membership; new unions such as Amcu are competing with its affiliates; and its biggest union, Numsa, left to form Saftu, a rival federation.
The SACP has a historic association with the ANC dating back to the fifties, and has over the years been at the centre of some of the most acrimonious ideological splits in the liberation movement. It was perhaps at its most powerful in exile, as many of the ANC hierarchy were counted among members. These days nobody takes it seriously, except the ANC. It perhaps remains one of the few examples of entryism since Militant Tendency infiltrated the British Labour Party, except of course that in this case it's doing so with the approval of the ANC.
It has on several occasions threatened to field its own parliamentary candidates, but never got around to it. The lure of power is perhaps too great to resist. The SACP — and Cosatu — were instrumental in chaperoning Zuma to power; and some of their members, such as Thulas Nxesi and Blade Nzimande were rewarded with cabinet posts. Gwede Mantashe was SACP chair when he was elected ANC secretary-general in Polokwane in 2007, and nobody has done more to protect Zuma from accounting for his malfeasance.
It's also no surprise that it's Mantashe who’s now pushing for the ANC to get into bed with the MKP, Zuma's new party. The fact that the ANC can even contemplate embracing Zuma and his lawless outfit means not only that their renewal project is nothing but a sham, but also that they have yet to learn the lessons of their defeat.
This week all three organisations — Cosatu, SACP and Sanco — were outdoing each other in denouncing the ANC for its failure to consult them on the proposed government of national unity. The SACP warned the ANC not to form coalitions with what it calls “counter-revolutionaries”. Well, without carrying water for the alleged counter-revolutionaries, it’s worth noting that, unlike the communists, they at least have had the courage to throw their hat in the ring and seek public acceptance of their policies and principles. They can claim to be speaking on behalf of a constituency.
It would be nice though to have one or two communist MPs flying the red flag in parliament. Apart from brightening the opposition benches, they could add some spice to proceedings. The country could do with a variety of views. The SACP may be cowards, but they're not stupid. They know there's little or no appreciable appetite in the country for their brand of politics.
Democracy is a great leveller. It plays no favourites. Availing themselves for public office could be terminal. It could expose them as the empty shell that they are, and they would thus lose their relevance. Hanging onto the ANC’s coattails therefore remains their best option.
There would hardly be any tears for the tripartite alliance if the humbling of the ANC at the polls were to also bring about its demise. Nobody would even notice.
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