Sibanye-Stillwater struggles with the legacy of Marikana

I remember August 16 2012 as if it was yesterday. It was unbelievable that 34 striking workers had been gunned down, with many shot in the back.

Lonmin, the London and Rhodesian Mining and Land Company Ltd, previously known as Lonrho and founded in 1909, had long been called out on its ethics. In 1962 Tiny Rowland was appointed CEO and later got the company a bad name by breaking sanctions in then Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) in 1973. British prime minister Edward Heath criticised the company, describing it in the House of Commons in 1973 as “an unpleasant and unacceptable face of capitalism”.  

It was this unacceptable capitalism that again showed its face in 2012. Today we are left with these memories, and the 34 widows, orphans, the 78 injured, and their families. Yet, before the 16th, 10 others died; six workers, two security guards and two policemen, with a total death toll of 44. 

In 2019 Sibanye-Stillwater bought the company, stating that it embraced the inherited Marikana legacy and set out to ensure that change of ownership would serve as a catalyst for transformation. Many say that nothing has changed — while the new owner claims quite a different narrative. It’s worth noting that the Marikana operations are much larger than those at Nkaneng or Wonderkop, which are within a 50km radius.  Some tangible projects have been operationalised in these areas but  Covid-19 possibly delayed many interventions that could have taken place and allowed for a fairer evaluation. 

When Marikana happened I was the executive director of a leading civil society body which managed to convey to the world a narrative that was different from the media’s version of inter-union rivalry. It was not union rivalry, it was workers demanding a living wage. The Lonmin strike involved 3,000 rock drillers who are the cream of the crop in mining. They were protesting against poor wages and living conditions. 

The rock driller strikes began at Impala Platinum, followed by Aquarius Platinum — both companies’ response was first to shoot at demonstrators at their gate, killing four workers. Soon after, rational behaviour by the companies led to wage increases for the rock drillers. This was outside the collective bargaining agreement, and this is where Lonmin failed. 

There are really two issues at stake here: justice by the state and justice by the company. What we know is that the state has not charged the police officers involved but charged striking workers, while the 34 families who lost their breadwinners have received some compensation from the state. But their claims for the violation of their rights, and damages suffered, have still not been compensated. Compensation for the 78 injured has not been addressed. 

The 10th anniversary of Marikana must see visible commitments by new owners Sibanye-Stillwater to bring justice, not only to the victims but also to the surrounding communities who eke out an existence there. Neal Froneman, CEO of Sibanye-Stillwater, is probably the right person to do this. He is South African, has often raised the issue of a meaningful truth and reconciliation commission into mining legacy issues, and Marikana offers him that opportunity. He talks about social compacts and hit the ground running, immediately committing to building houses for the widows of the victims. So far, eight of 16 houses set to be built have been completed.

In the US, Sibanye’s acquisition of Stillwater added impetus to agreements about social compacts, and it inherited Stillwater’s “good neighbour agreement” that ensures communities in mining areas have a big say in decision making regarding processes that affect them. This now forms part of their approach in SA. It is this project that Sibanye-Stillwater will be judged on.  

Sibanye-Stillwater needs to ensure that the state brings justice to the victims, the 34 fatherless families and those injured, and address community concerns. And it must address Lonmin’s culpability. 

So, what is the more realistic picture? Is it that nothing has changed since 2012?

It is not that nothing has changed, though it might seem that way.  Yes, workers still live in shanty towns, hardly good living conditions. This is true for all mining in SA, with some exceptions at gold mines where conversion of hostels into family living units became possible due to the far smaller workforces in gold mining today.

On the platinum belt, hundreds of thousands of workers live in atrocious conditions. Lonmin used to house between 12,000 and 18,000 workers in a hostel system. Now that a conversion process has begun, only about 4,775 families have mine accommodation. Workers gladly opted for a living-out allowance to supplement their wages and sometimes support two families, one in the labour sending area and the other near the mine.

Home ownership through employees getting a bond — whether offered by Anglo American, Impala or any other mining company — has been rejected, and is one of the biggest failings of the Mining Charter. The charter does not consider the need for adequate shelter. The focus should be on how to improve the informal settlements the miners live in with proper roads, sewerage, refuse removal and water projects, and improving the shacks to deal with heat in summer and cold in winter. 

Mining is generally under increasing pressure from investors, stakeholders and NGOs. With greater demands for equality and fairness, the industry has experienced a change in its culture. Being surrounded by poverty is not conducive to harmonious relations with communities. So, what has Sibanye-Stillwater done?

The company initiated a Marikana Renewal programme, with a focus on communities. It has established a wall of remembrance with the names of the deceased; and food security in the form of home gardens — from subsistence farming to selling produce to retail outlets, to large-scale agricultural interventions and processing facilities. There is a focus on soil restoration, water retention, water sharing and enhancing child nutrition. All of this is work in progress. 

 In addition, an economic hub in Marikana is offering support for a range of livelihood developments, bringing in people with the requisite expertise, including the Mineworkers Development Agency. All this brings hope for the future. Sibanye-Stillwater has also made office facilities available at Marikana, as well as the capital to convert these facilities into economic hubs, serving the development of communities while setting a target of creating a million additional livelihoods. These are long-term interventions and time will tell how successful they will be.

Is this enough? It is more than Lonmin did in the eight years after the massacre.  But by taking over Lonmin, Sibanye-Stillwater has taken on what might be considered insurmountable problems. The question of justice for the victims of the massacre, both at state and company level, still needs to be attended to.

Can Sibanye-Stillwater do what Lonmin failed to do? For example, by offering a public apology to the victims, making a goodwill gesture, compensating the victims of the massacre and urging the state to bring the police culprits to justice? 

It is this 10th anniversary that counts, and justice must be seen to be done by Sibanye-Stillwater. Unlike Lonmin, Sibanye-Stillwater enters as a new broker, and the challenge is to turn around the unacceptable legacy set by its predecessors. 

Capel is the founder and former executive director of the Bench Marks Foundation and now executive director of the Institute for Social Dialogue​, which has received sponsorship from Sibanye-Stillwater.