Political party chief whips recently visited Ireland and Kenya to learn international best practice on legislative oversight.
The trip was an eye-opener. Among many things, it confirmed for me that the problems with coalition politics in South Africa are not unique to our country and, crucially, not insurmountable.
Ireland and Kenya have for years grappled with such politics. While the countries manage coalitions very differently, they have ensured they work. Though neither can boast a perfect political system, they have navigated this difficult terrain and got on with the business of governance.
The analysis of coalition governments in South Africa creates the impression that we have an unprecedented crisis that leaves us with only two choices: unmitigated chaos or retention of a failing government that has plunged the country into unspeakable suffering.
I would venture to say there is a third option.
This requires us to realise that the fall of one-party domination is normal in a maturing democracy. Additionally, there is no silver bullet for solving the chaotic nature of coalition governments.
Once we accept these realities, we can begin the hard work of finding a solution that will place the interests of citizens at the centre of negotiated coalition governments.
What is clear from these countries is that coalition governments are difficult to form and even more difficult to sustain. However, they are inevitable. Unavoidable. Perhaps they should signal to us that our democracy is maturing, ridding itself of one-party governance for an era of power sharing
There is no doubt the current formation of coalition governments lends itself to instability that directly impacts service delivery in many metros.
Equally, the quicksand that is local government cannot be replicated at provincial or national level.
This has devastating effects on key metros such as Johannesburg. It would be catastrophic for any national government to suffer the same fate.
Failure to accept this new reality of our politics and collectively find solutions across party lines is part of the problem.
Coalition instability isn’t an opposition party problem. It is a South African political problem. All political parties that are serious players need to shoulder some accountability or risk not being part of the solution.
Ireland had its first coalition government in 1948. Today, historical enemies Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are in a coalition with the Green Party. MPs we spoke to across political parties spoke of the difficulty of forming a government with foes.
However, they all underscored the need for a pragmatic approach to governance. It is never devoid of emotive and seemingly irreconcilable differences. However, pragmatism and the need to make government work prevail.
Since the early 2000s, Kenya has been no stranger to coalition governments. After its controversial 2007 presidential election, which was marked by ethnic tension, the country was governed, from 2008 to 2013, by the “Grand Coalition Cabinet” government of national unity.
Today, a coalition called the Kenya Kwanza holds the majority in the National Assembly and Senate, led by William Ruto.
The formation, while operating within the bounds of the Political Party Act, is still complicated, consisting as it does of more than 10 parties. During our trip to Kenya, there were countrywide protests against the Finance Bill being debated in parliament, demonstrating prevailing political tension.
What is clear from these countries is that coalition governments are difficult to form and even more difficult to sustain. However, they are inevitable. Unavoidable. Perhaps they should signal to us that our democracy is maturing, ridding itself of one-party governance for an era of power sharing.
Late last year I introduced a raft of bills that seek to stabilise coalition governments and align our legislation to this new reality. They have been published for public comment and will be introduced to parliament in the coming weeks.
When we drafted these bills, we reached out to all parties represented in parliament to explain the rationale and call for input to strengthen legislative proposals. These calls were not met with any enthusiasm. I hope that now they are coming to parliament we will see greater engagement and willingness to shape our country’s political future.
The bills seek to amend the constitution and Municipal Structures Act of 1998.
These amendments provide a legal framework for stable and accountable coalition governments at local, provincial and national level.
If passed, the laws will introduce an electoral threshold that will be key in stabilising overly fragmented coalition governments, expand the time allowed in the constitution to negotiate and swear in a government after an election from 14 days to 30 days across the three spheres of government and limit the use of motions of no confidence to once a year, unless there is evidence of laws being broken and objective gross misconduct.
Motions of no confidence have been abused at local government level. The impact of such a practice at provincial or national level would be catastrophic.
Call me naive, but I believe there are people across political lines who have the capacity to fulfil their duty and negotiate a better deal for South Africa
The DA will not embark on this parliamentary process without an unwillingness to compromise or embrace proposals that will move us forward.
Ultimately, as lawmakers, we should fulfil our constitutional obligations of finding political and legislative solutions to the issues facing South Africans. This is what I have sought to do.
It is an invitation to constitutional law experts, the public and other political parties to engage with the proposals so we can arrive at place where these legislative changes are acceptable and implementable.
The Irish and Kenyan models demonstrate that there are no silver bullets to the issues facing coalition governments. What's needed is political maturity and a commitment to serve the people who elected us. If we can agree on those principles, we can achieve what the Irish deemed impossible when Fianna Fail and Fine Gael coalesced.
Call me naive, but I believe there are people across political lines who have the capacity to fulfil their duty and negotiate a better deal for South Africa.
Coalition governments are here to stay. We need to navigate and optimise this new reality. We need cool heads and political players who understand that South Africa is on life support. The only antidote is a change at the ballot box and a willingness to forgo egos for the greater good.
• Gwarube is chief whip of the DA
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