President Cyril Ramaphosa’s address to parliament this week as head of the government of national unity (GNU) outlined the challenges facing his administration as South Africa traverses unfamiliar territory and enters a new era of political partnership. Coming as it did on the anniversary of the birth of Nelson Mandela, Ramaphosa's address sought to evoke the spirit of optimism and co-operation of the Madiba era.
As in 1994, it is a time of great uncertainty for South Africa, but also of opportunity and new beginnings.
Much has gone wrong in South Africa since the Mandela days, most notably in 2007 when forces in the ANC alliance, apparently frustrated at the policies of former president Thabo Mbeki, thrust Jacob Zuma into the leadership of the party.
Corruption and state capture flourished, while the engines of the economy in the form of Eskom, Prasa and Transnet floundered, with disastrous results for most of us.
The election of Ramaphosa at the ANC conference in 2017 was marked by euphoria generated more by hope than realism. It wasn’t long before it turned sour, with Ramaphosa being called indecisive, a weak leader crippled by factional battles in the ANC. Arguably, though, he was leading with one hand tied behind his back.
The elections of 2024 dealt a decisive blow to the ANC, bringing its support down to 40% and requiring it to co-operate with opposition parties. No fewer than 11 parties signed up to the GNU, securing a majority vote for Ramaphosa’s re-election as president.
Ironically, though, while the ANC itself may have been diminished in the recent elections, the indecisive outcome may have significantly strengthened Ramaphosa’s hand as a leader and statesman.
Having invited former opposition leaders to join his executive, Ramaphosa will find himself feeling rather more comfortable in cabinet meetings than he might have been in the fractious past. Not only does he have the constitutional power to hire and fire ministers across the spectrum, but he will have greater authority in dealing with ANC ministers who frustrate his command and push their own agendas.
Who can forget, for example, how Ramaphosa had to “twist the arm” of his former energy minister Gwede Mantashe to lift the ceiling on private power generation to 100MW? Or the apparent difficulty in convincing former home affairs minister Aaron Motsoaledi to ease the red tape for visa applications for skilled foreigners? These apparent stalling tactics will be more difficult to justify in a cabinet where performance alone should be the mark of success.
Now, having prevailed over powerful ANC elements who would have preferred a coalition with the MK Party or the EFF, Ramaphosa finds himself in the company of ministers, especially in the DA but also in the IFP and PA, who have bought in to his efforts to modernise the economy and promote growth.
Having invited former opposition leaders to join his executive, Ramaphosa will find himself feeling rather more comfortable in cabinet meetings than he might have been in the fractious past
Just how long Ramaphosa will find executive conditions to his liking is a longer-term question and depends on the balance of forces in the ANC alliance. For the foreseeable future, however, Ramaphosa has enthusiastic cabinet partners amid favourable conditions for making real strides in advancing our hopes of a better society.
Unlike previous governments in recent years, the markets have given the new government a ringing endorsement, with the rand and the JSE rising and the prospect of interest rate cuts in the not-too-distant future adding to confidence.
The president outlined three priorities: driving inclusive growth and job creation, reducing poverty and tackling the high cost of living, and developing a capable and ethical developmental state. Much of this has already been started by way of Operation Vulindlela, a joint Treasury and Presidency initiative to intervene in strategic areas of the economy, inviting private capital and expertise to assist government.
Although South Africa had a GNU after 1994, the new hybrid takes office in very different circumstances, and in conditions in which failure would seem more likely than success. That is why it will take a special, concentrated and selfless effort on the part of all involved to remember to put the country’s interests before those of their parties.
The onus is on the GNU to ensure its record of success will disarm its detractors.
South Africa has never had a better chance to right the ship and deliver on the promise of 1994. Only those with narrow, sectional or selfish interests at heart would wish for failure.
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