OpinionPREMIUM

An urgent need to resolve the national question

There’s a story about how the editor of the Los Angeles Times, Charles Lummis, wrote in 1926 that “most of us know as much of history as a pig does of lipstick”. With this line, he popularised a phrase that had apparently been used in the Western world for centuries, writes Mandla J Radebe.

The vitality of what Ramaphosa is starting will make the nation a workshop of solutions. Stock image.
The vitality of what Ramaphosa is starting will make the nation a workshop of solutions. Stock image. (123RF/designer491)

There’s a story about how the editor of the Los Angeles Times, Charles Lummis, wrote in 1926 that “most of us know as much of history as a pig does of lipstick”. With this line, he popularised a phrase that had apparently been used in the Western world for centuries. However, it wasn’t until 1985 that it truly entered the public lexicon, when an article in the Washington Post used the phrase regarding plans to renovate a park in San Francisco: “That would be like putting lipstick on a pig”.

This phrase could well apply to contemporary South Africa and our tendency towards superficial and cosmetic changes — papering over the cracks, as it were. Essentially, it denotes efforts that seek to make superficial changes to a problem in a futile attempt to disguise its fundamental failings.

This is precisely what the currently mooted national dialogue appears to be trying to do.

Ever since President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the idea of a national dialogue during the opening of parliament, with the aim of the government of national unity (GNU) forging a common vision for the country’s future, numerous articles and opinions have emerged about this indaba. According to Ramaphosa: “Through this national dialogue, we’re called to be agents of change, to be champions of inclusive growth, to be creators of opportunity.” As expected, in a context of numerous problems with few solutions, the announcement was met with an avalanche of clapping.

The idea of a dialogue is not a novel concept introduced by the president. Various prominent political figures, such as former president Thabo Mbeki and former deputy minister of finance Mcebisi Jonas, were among the first to advocate for it.

Subsequently, pundits have touted the idea as a panacea for our numerous national ailments, a grandpa of some sort to cure-all for our severe headaches. However, others have pooh-poohed it as a futile exercise.

Enter the foundations of political stalwarts. These foundations, often projecting themselves as if the stalwarts themselves are speaking, have vociferously expressed their intent to join the national dialogue. They have established the National Foundations Dialogue Initiative (NFDI), which, according to its website, believes: “Every nation must stop and take pause, especially one with deep divisions, both racial and economic, as in South Africa, in order to constantly refine its capacity for reflection, dialogue, and action.”

While there have been numerous calls for the dialogue to be inclusive, there has been no serious or in-depth analysis conducted on the structure of South African society or fundamentally about the content of this dialogue.

South Africa does not need another dialogue. Instead, it faces the urgent task of resolving the national question. Essentially, the national question is about achieving unity, equality, and social cohesion in a racially, ethnically, and economically divided society. This can be addressed by promoting inclusive policies that address economic disparities, dismantling systemic inequalities and fostering a shared national identity that respects and celebrates cultural and ethnic diversity.

In a diverse society such as South Africa, we can no longer hide from the need to address the underlying class structures and economic inequalities that perpetuate divisions. South Africa’s problems are not a curse from somewhere but are entirely man-made.

The divisions across social classes and ethnicities were deliberately created as part of the colonial project and later apartheid. These divisions were further entrenched as part of capitalist production, enabling the capitalist elite to amass wealth through exploitation. No dialogue can quell these class divisions, which, in our context, take on racial and ethnic undertones. Only the marginalised working class can forge unity across ethnic and racial lines by recognising that their exploitation is fundamentally class related.

While there have been numerous calls for the dialogue to be inclusive, there has been no serious or in-depth analysis conducted on the structure of South African society or fundamentally about the content of this dialogue

The legacy of colonialism suggests that the white working class, for instance, enjoys far more privileges than their black counterparts. As Fanon once remarked: “The cause is effect: You are rich because you are white, you are white because you are rich.” Hence, in most black communities, a wealthy person is called “ngamla” or “lekgowa” (white person). It is the working class itself that can embark on the project to promote solidarity among itself and focus on common economic struggles rather than racial or ethnic differences.

It is due to this structure that all forms of inequalities persist 30 years after the democratic breakthrough. This issue can be addressed by an elected government that is committed to driving wealth redistribution programmes. Implementing policies that redistribute wealth does not require a three-day imbizo. The government has a mandate to drive land reform, progressive taxation and even the strategic nationalisation of key industries as a basis for growth. After all, this is how many countries in the global north have escaped the middle-income trap that has held South Africa hostage for over five decades.

The worsening levels of inequality cannot be understood outside our country’s historical injustices rooted in colonialism and apartheid. These inequalities are reproduced daily, calling for a government that is alive and responsive to this reality. Policies that seek to redress this, such as B-BBEE and affirmative action, are essential in rectifying past wrongs and promoting social equity.

Addressing our urgent challenges, such as public service infrastructure, requires immediate action rather than prolonged dialogue. Instead of entertaining ideas to reduce public services, the democratic government should play a central role in redistributing wealth and opportunities by prioritising investment in essential sectors like education, healthcare, housing, and transportation. This approach is vital not only for improving living standards and reducing disparities but also for addressing the national question.

Such transformation should be paired with policies that promote social cohesion while celebrating the country’s diverse cultural and ethnic identities, fostering a shared national identity rooted in common values and aspirations.

Existing programmes, such as taking government to the people through initiatives like izimbizo, should be fully utilised to encourage inclusive dialogue and participatory governance. These platforms are crucial for ensuring that all voices, especially those of the historically oppressed, are heard in the decision-making process.

However, at the heart of these engagements should be a redistribution agenda, serving as the foundation for building social cohesion, which is essential for addressing the national question. Dialogues among elites that exclude the majority are unlikely to achieve the desired outcome.

• Mandla J Radebe is an author, associate professor in the University of Johannesburg’s School of Communication and director of the Centre for Data and Digital Communications. He writes in his personal capacity.


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