In memorable farewell address more than 60 years ago former US president Dwight Eisenhower stunned the American public, warning that the overwhelming power of the “military-industrial complex” posed a threat to democracy.
The US had seen a rapid expansion of its military and its arms industry in the wake of World War 2, as well as during the subsequent arms race with a nascent and belligerent Soviet Union during the Cold War. The irony, of course, was that as president, Eisenhower had spearheaded the proliferation of the industry.
It was, therefore, a parting shot that was not only surprising but unexpected; Eisenhower was a child of the military. A West Point graduate, he did active duty in the Philippines and planned and supervised military campaigns during World War 2, significantly the invasion of Normandy in June 1944, which preceded the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of the war a year later. After a short stint as military governor in partitioned Germany, he returned to the US, where a grateful nation rewarded him with two terms as president. But here he was, warning about the perils posed to the US by a monster whose creation he had been party to.
“We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions,” he said. “This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.”
There’s no evidence the American public or government ever heeded Eisenhower’s warning. Tomorrow sees yet another handing over of the presidential baton, with Donald Trump becoming the next occupant of the White House. In his farewell address this week, outgoing president Joe Biden took a leaf from Eisenhower's book, warning not of the overweening power of the military but of what he calls the tech industrial complex. More than 60 years on from Eisenhower, it would seem nothing has changed. American democracy — then as now — is under threat.
Biden must be experiencing a feeling of déjà vu. He retired eight years ago after more than four decades in public service, including two terms as Barack Obama’s vice-president. And then Donald Trump unexpectedly defeated Hillary Clinton, the Democratic Party nominee, in the 2016 presidential election, and set about governing — shall we say — in an unconventional or unorthodox fashion. Spewing lies from the bully pulpit, abusing the presidency for personal gain, fraternising with racists and the alt-right, among many other infractions.
Biden decided to come out of retirement to “restore the soul of America” and save America from Trump. He prevailed in the presidential match-up, but Trump didn’t go quietly. He organised a mob of supporters to storm the Capitol as Congress was meeting to certify Biden’s victory. The coup attempt failed, and Trump went away to lick his wounds. But he spent his time in the wilderness extensively campaigning to win his job back. He easily won the Republican Party nomination again, and was due to go head-to-head against Biden. But, after an uninspiring performance during the presidential debate, Biden was forced by honchos in his party to stand down in favour of Kamala Harris, his vice-president. She was handily defeated by Trump in November.
But Biden must surely harbour resentment towards Merrick Garland, his attorney-general, who inexplicably waited until it was too late to charge Trump for stoking the January 6 insurrection. Garland’s case is interesting. He was denied a seat on the Supreme Court by a Republican Senate majority after he was nominated by Obama. Appointing him attorney-general was seen as Biden’s way of making up to Garland for that extraordinary humiliation. Now, ironically, Garland’s tardiness has benefited the Republicans, his foes. Trump would never have been elected had he been convicted on such serious charges.
Now Biden has to hand over the baton to his nemesis. But in his farewell address, he had no bad word for Trump. He promised a peaceful transfer of power, an oblique reminder of what happened the last time.
Very few people of significance wanted anything to do with Trump during his first run for office. Now, billionaires are elbowing each other to kiss the ring, and pouring millions into his inauguration
But he issued a stark warning, reserving his harshest criticism for the galaxy of billionaires abasing themselves before Trump. Very few people of significance wanted anything to do with Trump during his first run for office. Now, billionaires are elbowing each other to kiss the ring, and pouring millions into his inauguration. Some, such as Elon Musk, contributed handsomely to his election campaign. Some media organisations are bending the knee in anticipation of his administration. Mark Zuckerberg, another high-profile contributor, announced recently that his company, Meta, would remove fact-checking from all its social media platforms, a decision viewed as beneficial to the Trump White House.
“I want to warn the country about things that give me great concern, and that is a dangerous concentration of power in the hands of a few ultra-wealthy people and the dangerous consequences if their abuse of power is left unchecked,” Biden said.
“Today an oligarchy of extreme power and influence is taking shape in America that’ll threaten our entire democracy, our basic rights and freedoms, and a fair shot for everyone to get ahead.”
As Eisenhower had warned Americans 60 years ago, Biden said: “I’m equally concerned about the potential rise of a tech industrial complex that could pose real dangers for our country as well. Americans are being buried under an avalanche of misinformation and disinformation, enabling the abuse of power.
“The free press is crumbling, editors are disappearing, social media is giving up on fact-checking, the truth is smothered by lies told for power and profit. We must hold the social platforms accountable to protect our democracy from the abuse of power.”
What’s of interest for us perhaps is the number of billionaires with a connection to South Africa who’ve coalesced around Trump. Apart from Musk, the richest man on earth, who has done more than anybody to elect Trump — he’s been called the real president and has been rewarded with a plum job as co-leader of an agency to slash the civil service — there are others who’ve kept a low profile but have played a no less significant role.
Patrick Soon-Shiong, born in Port Elizabeth — who still retains his South African citizenship — is a billionaire biotech investor and reputed to be the richest oncologist in the world. He owns the LA Times and other publications. Last year, the paper, which has traditionally supported the Democrats, decided not to endorse any presidential candidate — a backhanded endorsement for Trump. David Sacks, a rich venture capitalist, born in Cape Town, has been appointed as the AI and crypto tsar for the Trump administration. Peter Thiel, a funder of conservative causes, lived with his family in South Africa and Namibia, and is the godfather of JD Vance, the incoming vice-president. Thiel is said to be among those who convinced Trump to pick the 39-year-old Vance as his running mate.
South Africa, like the rest of the world, is keenly waiting to see how the unpredictable Trump deploys his substantial influence. That some of our compatriots are close to the seat of power does not guarantee favourable attention. It could be a poisoned chalice of sorts.
But who would have thought a nation that produced the likes of Martin Luther King Jr, John F Kennedy and experts in various fields of human endeavour — who have enriched the world and contributed so much to peace, progress and prosperity — was capable of not only producing a faulty crayon such as Donald Trump, but also of conferring on him its greatest honour, the US presidency?
Nuts.
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