One might have thought that having a South African-born businessman, the richest man in the world, at the heart of the US power establishment would be a godsend for the country of his birth.
But when that man is Elon Musk, unofficial “first buddy” to US President Donald Trump, it seems we can expect no favours. If anything, Musk has further complicated the already fraught relationship between South Africa and the world’s pre-eminent military and economic powerhouse.
It just so happens that President Cyril Ramaphosa’s presidency has coincided with the tectonic shift reshaping world affairs — with resource-rich nations such as Russia, Saudi Arabia and Iran flexing their muscles, and a more aggressive China trying to match its achievement as a top manufacturing power to its status on the world stage.
Trump’s re-election and the unsurprising way he has gone about “Making America Great Again” has sent shivers down spines. Who is next in line for the Trumpian wrecking ball?
Trump conducts the affairs of state as if it were one of his businesses. Add Musk to the mix and one has an explosive cocktail that threatens to upend traditional diplomatic practices and conventions, and replace them with a strictly transactional approach to world affairs.
No South African government is going to bow and scrape to the Americans, and it may even be too much to hope that Washington will give us a fair hearing
Ramaphosa tried to deal with the Trump factor in his state of the nation address this week, saying: “But we are not daunted. We will not be deterred. We will not be bullied.” It won’t be the first time Ramaphosa has had to despatch envoys to clear the air. Last time it was after US ambassador Reuben Brigety alleged — without producing evidence — that South Africa was assisting Russia with arms and equipment, loaded on the vessel Lady R in Simon’s Town. Since then, South Africa has further angered the US by hauling Israel before the International Court of Justice.
This week, assisted by Musk, Trump had a go at South Africa, alleging that “certain classes of people” were being treated “very badly” here. Even Ramaphosa’s phone call to Musk, ostensibly to allay fears over the Expropriation Act, failed to spike Musk’s guns. He had aimed his X rocket at South Africa, demanding to know why business here was subject to what he termed “openly racist laws”.
Later in the week, despite denials from Ramaphosa and DA leaders in the GNU that “land grabs” were taking place in SA, Trump doubled down on his claims, signing an executive order that purports to offer disgruntled Afrikaners “refugee status” in the US, to escape claimed persecution in SA.
How does SA calm the storm threatening relations between the US and SA? The wrong way to go about navigating the treachery of these waters was displayed at the Mining Indaba in Cape Town this week, when mineral and petroleum resources minister Gwede Mantashe proposed withholding key minerals from the US, a stance Ramaphosa was forced to clarify.
The truth is that while the US may need South Africa, we need the US just as much — if not more. The African Growth and Opportunity Act — which allows duty-free access for a range of South African goods — is vital to our interests, especially in the automotive sector. We sell huge quantities of vital minerals to the US. So it can hardly be in our economic interests to stop such sales.
We must accept that the four years of Trump that lie ahead are not going to be easy. No South African government is going to bow and scrape to the Americans, and it may even be too much to hope that Washington will give us a fair hearing. We’ll need to box especially smart in the years ahead, upholding what we regard as our principles, but understanding we do so in circumstances beyond our control. Our stance needs to reflect that reality.
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