The ANC has finally completed the long-promised “reconfiguration” of its structures in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal — and has prescribed a poisonous remedy for its current challenges.
The ANC, it seems, has hit a dead end. Lost in the wilderness after its performance in last year’s May 29 elections, the party has opted to dig back into its past to resuscitate political careers that have been lying dormant in its ICU. Several of the leaders who have been brought into the newly minted provincial task teams (PTTs) are individuals who had presided over the decline of the ANC in the two provinces.
The party has focused on Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal because these are the provinces with the highest number of voters in the country. If the intention was to focus on provinces that performed dismally last year, Mpumalanga would have been included; there the ANC tally has dropped from 70.6% of the provincial vote in 2019, to 51.2% in 2024. This performance was worse than Gauteng’s in terms of lost ground; yet, because of the high voter density in Gauteng, the effect was more severely felt there.
Still, the question remains: Why is Mpumalanga not reconfigured? Only the gods of political meandering can best explain that. The ANC is at a dead end because it is embarking on selective distribution of its remedy.
There has been no leadership shake-up in KwaZulu-Natal. The truth is, we are looking at a so-called reconfigured provincial executive committee (PEC) that is a grotesque attack on decision-making by the national executive committee (NEC). We are observing an ANC that is at sea on how to respond to its challenges in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. The timing is too late; the time that has elapsed since May 29 has given some people space to move ahead of this so-called “reconfiguration” intervention.
So, what is going on here?
Amorphous structures
The ANC NEC has effectively dissolved both PECs and installed amorphous structures likely to cause more harm than good. These newly pronounced task teams are a concoction of failed leaders, wannabe leaders and has-been leaders — in both provinces.
The party appointed PTTs of 67 people, almost more than double the number of people permitted to constitute any PEC of the ANC. The party’s constitution is clear. You elect the top five of a PEC “and not more than 30 (thirty) other persons elected by the provincial conference”. At any given time, the core PEC should not constitute more than 35 people. It is true that the PEC can co-opt people, but this is tightly regulated by the ANC’s constitution.
The political moves of today are an investment in tomorrow’s political future
The appointment of 67 members to each of the PTTs indicates the ANC has misdiagnosed the problem. In both provinces, the list of names points to the party’s understanding of the problem to be disunity among provincial elites. This might be partially true, but it is not the entire story. For example, in KZN, they have sought to reconcile four generations of provincial elites — from Jeff Radebe to Mike Mabuyakhulu to Nomusa Dube-Ncube to Sboniso Duma. Across these generations is a coterie of failed mayors, corruption-friendly and accused former members of the executive council (MECs) in the province, and lacklustre politicians.
The decline of the ANC in the province was not simply caused by the emergence of the MK Party. It has long been evident. The ANC has been investing in junior and immature politicians to lead the party, and now it is tapping into its pensioners to resuscitate the party. This is the type of mix that leads to disaster. We are often taught to move on from the past, but the party has decided to step back into the past — even though the ANC began to decline with some of those leaders at the helm.
Leaders stay cushioned
Let us discuss the elephant in the room. Every sensible ANC member in KZN accepts that part of the problem in the previous election was that there were sleeper cells within the ANC in the province. Simply put, ANC members and leaders who were working for MKP in a clandestine manner. The interesting observation, though, is if you look at the KZN electoral map, there are two green municipalities (where the ANC won a majority), Greater Kokstad and uMzimkhulu. Yet, the most demoted former leader, Bheki Mtolo, hails from Greater Kokstad.
It may be justified to say he ought to have led the province to a better outcome. Maybe he campaigned closer to home than at a provincial level. But the question becomes: What of those leaders who lost Mzumbe and Abaqulusi decisively to the MKP, but remain cushioned in the “top echelons” of the party? Such as Duma and Nomagugu Simelane, respectively. Should they not have bitten the dust? I will leave it to the reader to answer.
Duma embarrassed the party and lost ANC votes with the mic-grabbing incident at the 110th anniversary of King Dinuzulu kaCetshwayo’s death. This is a fact. But he seems to have been rewarded. Simelane upset party supporters during the Covid-19 pandemic when a so-called “surprise” party was hosted on her behalf. But she seems to have been rewarded.
Turning to Gauteng, the co-convener phenomenon is another interesting development. It may well have gone unnoticed, but the ANC usually appoints one convener. However, it appears the NEC — through Mbalula — did not want to weaken Panyaza Lesufi’s political stature in the province, given that he is the premier. To salvage his image and standing in government, he had to be the most senior, minus some powers. This is an interesting development, especially given the praises heaped on him by Mbalula — in an attempt to possibly woo Lesufi — including how he had delivered a compelling state of the province address. I have my own qualms about an evening address running to 38 pages.
Threat analysis
Something else is at play with regard to Mbalula’s praise for Lesufi. Mbalula accepted (something that Paul Mashatile did a long time ago) that the ANC government of provincial unity (GPU) in Gauteng would not mirror the government of national unity (GNU), as is the case in KZN. But there is a reason for this. It is a threat analysis.
The ANC — as the most dominant party in South Africa — faces threats from various quarters. In KZN, the threat is MKP; in Gauteng, the threat is the DA. As a result, the ANC has smartly shut out the DA across all spheres of government in Gauteng. To fend off the DA’s prospects in Gauteng, the ANC must starve its opponents of opportunity to shine in the province. The DA itself is significantly frustrated by this as it allows other political parties — such as its breakaway party, ActionSA — to shine.
What must also not be forgotten is that the appointment of PTTs in the ANC has always been a power play. It is clear the party is extremely vulnerable in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal ahead of the local government elections. The thing to keep an eye on is whether this reconfiguration is about solving the ANC’s problems, or catering for the different interest groups ahead of the 2026 provincial conference, which will elect the leadership that is most likely to influence the ANC’s 2027 national conference.
At this conference, Ramaphosa’s successor will emerge. The political moves of today are an investment in tomorrow’s political future.
• Mnguni is acting executive director of the Rivonia Circle
For opinion and analysis consideration, email Opinions@timeslive.co.za
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